Problems of social design abroad. Problems of social design in Russia

Social design. Social design is a scientific, theoretical and at the same time substantive practical activity to create development projects social systems, institutions, social objects, their properties and relations based on social foresight, forecasting and planning of special obviously necessary qualities and properties that are a significant social need. The predicted, modeled and constructed qualities and properties of social objects make it possible to manage social processes and are an expression of the socially new that characterizes the trends of modern social development. In accordance with this, social design is associated with innovative activities and the introduction of social innovations.

Social design is a synthesis of scientific-theoretical, substantive practical activities and social education. As a scientific and theoretical activity, social design concerns primarily such scientific areas as sociology, social work (socionomy), social philosophy, political science, conflict studies, regional studies, and economics. As a subject-practical activity, social design is expressed in the creation of specific social projects, in planning and managing the development of territorial-industrial, economic, socio-cultural and other complexes. As an element of the education system, social design - academic discipline associated with the study of methodology and design technology, design tools, its system principles, forms and methods.

The development of social design is associated with the use of various mathematical methods and the creation of mathematical models using computer technology. At the same time, the multivariance of different vectors of social development is characterized by the use of such fundamental philosophical concepts as the concept of possible worlds, developed in the works of such classical philosophers as Gottfried Leibniz and Immanuel Kant, as well as the principles of cybernetics and synergetics, to comprehend the current and possible trends in social dynamics, involving such concepts as social entropy and its levels, social destruction, chaos and order, social harmony, social dynamics, social expectation and social projection. A systematic understanding of social design brings this field of knowledge to the level of social design theory, which includes a subordinated system of concepts and principles, methodologies and methods, technologies and tools, forms and means of social foresight, as well as types and types of social projects, strategies and tactics project activities.

The term "design" itself (from the Latin "projectus" - thrown forward: design - the process of creating a prototype, a prototype of a proposed or possible object, a state - a specific activity, the result of which is a scientifically theoretical and practically justified definition of options for the predicted and planned development of new processes and phenomena... Design is an integral part of management, which allows you to ensure the implementation of controllability and controllability of a certain process.

Design means determining versions or options for the development or change of a particular phenomenon. In order to accurately and unambiguously comprehend the essence of design, it is necessary to correlate it with concepts that are close in meaning and meaning. Such concepts are the following: planning, projection, anticipation, foresight, forecasting, design, modeling. Identification of options for the development or change of an object makes it possible to choose tactics and strategies for interacting with this object, managing the object, developing a technology for influencing it, and choosing ways for the systematic introduction of innovations. Understanding these concepts, the stages of their achievement and implementation methods is the essence of design. All these concepts as specific cognitive methods and techniques in the appropriate sequence are considered in this work, but it seems necessary to clarify the content of these concepts as working terms:

Planning is a scientifically and practically substantiated determination of goals, identification of tasks, deadlines, rates and proportions for the development of a particular phenomenon, its implementation and implementation in the interests of society.

Foresight - in a narrow sense, prediction, in a broader sense, preferable knowledge about events or phenomena that exist, but are not fixed in the available experience. Foresight can be a simple anticipation, a prediction based on biological and psychophysiological abilities (the initial stage) and foresight itself (the highest stage) - a human idea of ​​the future fate of oneself, one's own qualities, one's environment and the nearest contact microenvironment. Scientific foresight is based on identifying the patterns of development of a phenomenon or event, when the reasons for its emergence, the form of functioning and the course of development are known.

Forecasting is a form of foresight, expressed in goal-setting, programming and management of the planned process of a phenomenon based on the identified parameters of its occurrence, existence, sustainable forms and development trends. It is connected with the prediction of the direction of development of the phenomenon in the future, by transferring to it ideas about how the phenomenon develops in the present. This transfer is carried out using the methods of extrapolation, modeling and examination. It is expressed in the analysis of the forecast background, the formation of initial forecast models, search forecasts, the formation of normative forecast models, their evaluation.

Social design is the design of social facilities, social qualities, social processes and relations . Unlike the design of objects, when changing which the subjective factor is not taken into account, this factor should be taken into account when designing social objects. Its consideration largely determines the specifics of social design. At the same time, the following parameters should be laid in the foundations of social design:

The inconsistency of the social object;

Multi-vector development of a social object;

The impossibility of describing a social object by a finite number of terms of any social theory (fundamentally non-formalizable);

The multifactorial nature of the existence of a social object;

The presence of many subjective components that determine the ratio of what should be and what is in relation to the development of a social object;

Subjective factors in the formation of social expectation, social forecast and social design;

Factors that determine different criteria for assessing the maturity of the development of a social object.

The factors listed above are not the final list of reasons that determine the specifics of social design. They are only a system of those parametric features that characterize the fact that the design of social objects is fundamentally different from the design of such objects that do not have these features.

Social design makes it possible to assess the validity of the forecast, to develop a scientifically based plan for social development. The design also takes into account the possibility of an unsuccessful experiment to test ideas, the so-called negative result. Upon receipt, a thorough analysis of the reasons is necessary, which caused the discrepancy in solving the tasks. The process of social design is also called "social construction".

Methods of social design. Social design uses special techniques. Techniques are ways to achieve a goal; the construction of a social project is an ordered activity of the subject of design in a certain way. Among the design techniques, the following should be distinguished: the technique of the matrix of ideas, the technique of getting used to the role, the analogy method, the association method, the brainstorming technique, the synectics technique.

Methodology of the matrix of ideas. The technique of the matrix of ideas, when based on several independent variables, various options solutions. Usually, the development of a social project depends on the complexity and priority of the tasks set, on the time frame within which the plan is required to be implemented, as well as on material, labor and financial resources. Calculating options from these variables, you can determine the most effective way to implement the project in given conditions. This important technique is used, as a rule, with limited possibilities.

The method of getting used to the role. Role-playing helps you get a better idea of ​​what needs to be done in the design process. This is not just a peek into the future that is being designed, but a desire to understand more deeply how the project will be implemented. Today, any problem requires taking into account the interests and desires of people, and this is best achieved when the designer carefully studies the conditions in which the process takes place.

analogy method. The analogy method is a general scientific and logical method, with the help of which, based on the similarity, similarity of objects in any properties, features or relationships, an assumption (prediction) is formulated about the presence of these properties, features or relationships in a phenomenon that acts as an object of design. The analogy can be simple, widespread, strict and non-strict. The statement (forecast and design) by analogy is more reliable if the following circumstances are taken into account:

The more common features (PI, P2, .... Rp) are known for the compared objects, the higher the degree of probability of inference by analogy;

The more significant the common features found in the compared objects, the higher the degree of probability;

The deeper the mutual natural connection of the compared objects is known, the higher the degree of probability;

If the object in respect of which we are predicting by analogy has some property that is incompatible with the property whose existence is predicted, then the general similarity does not matter.

association method. When preparing a project, it often becomes necessary to make a new decision, which is caused by dissatisfaction with the existing practice. In this regard, the question arises: how to improve the situation, find a more rational and effective method management.

Taking into account the accumulated knowledge, approaches are being developed that allow you to seriously modify the object of influence, that is, not only the forms are affected, but also the essential content elements. The association method involves a combination of adaptation, modification and complete reorganization techniques.

Brainstorming technique. Brainstorming technique, which is associated with the generation of ideas, with their equal competition, with the possibility of comparison. It is carried out through communicative interaction, in which various projects are discussed, assessments, examination of facts, and polemics of opinions are carried out.

Synectics technique. According to this technique, several proposed ideas are considered separately from each other, and then a certain relationship and interdependence is established between them.

Terms of the project activity. Among the characteristics of social design, a special place is occupied by conditions - a system of social phenomena and processes that have a certain impact on project activities. The conditions of project activity include many components - relationships, processes, environment, actions, things, activities, means, etc.

The design background is a set of conditions external to the design object that significantly affect its functioning and development. One of the elements of social activity is social action. Social action is the impact of a person as a subject of social activity on a controlled subsystem (social structure), environment, region, team, group, personality, aimed at implementing the developed project, achieving the goal,.

When designing systems, social activity is a functional-temporal sequence of social actions (social technology of the design process), and the project is a special form of displaying needs, interests, attitudes, aspirations, expressed in a certain sign form.

The concept of social design reflects a more general sociological principle that is effectively used in building theories about various aspects and manifestations of sociality. The essence of the principle is in recognizing the activity of the social subject as a decisive factor determining the content and forms of social life. This principle is well known, consecrated within the framework of various scientific paradigms and under various great designations, but it is often found in a too abstract form that does not allow it to be transferred from the sphere of social philosophy to the sphere of sociological interpretations.

In its most general form, the social design of activity is the construction of an action localized in place, time and resources, aimed at achieving a socially significant goal.

In the social field, the project method of organizing activities was implemented less systematically and in a certain separation of theory from practice. Apparently, this was also facilitated by the fact that business-project thinking proceeded from assessing the success of the project in terms of economic efficiency, and this approach is hardly applicable in social work and other socio-cultural activities.

Desired states of the future. The essence of social design is the construction of desired states of the future. The initial questions of social design - what states are desired and what resources are available to achieve them - in modern conditions are revealed differently, with different accents and shades than even 15-20 years ago.

The problem of the desired state of society has acquired clear features of ecophobia. A social project should not destroy the fragile balance in the "man-nature", "man-man" systems - this conceptual setting leads to the establishment of environmentally oriented parameters in the evaluation of social projects. These new parameters reflect, firstly, the multiplier nature of any social innovation: it cannot fail to affect a whole group of social needs, interests and values, no matter how modest the objectives of the project are and no matter how small the community it is addressed to. Secondly, they take into account the cumulative nature of the consequences that any social innovation leads to: the change generated by the successful implementation of the project grows and over time can cross the ecological boundary, beyond which the positive consequences of the innovation will be outweighed by its negative consequences.

Hence the desire to optimize social project activities, to put it under the control not so much of the state as of the public. The idea of ​​public participation in the development and decision-making on projects, their adjustment, in preventing arbitrary social decisions of the authorities, administrations of all levels or individuals has become one of the generally accepted foundations of the practice of social design in many countries. The doctrine of “public participation”, which has been developing in the USA and Europe since the 1960s, most of all affects urban planning decisions (its germ was contained in the criticism of urban development planning without taking into account the interests of consumers, the rejection of the practice of implementing architectural decisions based on the concept of a rational city, about the functional basis of human life). The doctrine is based on the transition from a functional to an environmental (environmental) approach - with the active participation of city residents in the development and implementation of social projects. The implementation of the doctrine involves "the development of procedures to support natural social identification mechanisms", i.e., "the identification of participants in the decision-making process with each other's problematic life situations", and the process itself as a dialogue, partnership.

It seems that the new features of social design are determined primarily by the new quality of thinking of the broad masses in the developed countries of Europe and America, which include an ecophobic background as the main one for the everyday life of the majority (or a significant majority) of the inhabitants. Academician B. Rauschenbach, based on his observations of the daily life of modern Germany, notes “literally, the population is obsessed with environmental problems. The desire to preserve nature, its primordial nature, takes on completely unusual forms, sometimes even seemingly hypertrophied ones. He specifically notes that “not statesmen or people who are supposed to deal with such problems, but everyone is obsessed with ecology, the entire population”

In Russian conditions, a similar background is also beginning to take shape, but its parameters are still unstable and the scale is subject to significant fluctuations. Research by the Department of Sociology of the Institute of Youth in 1995-1996, in particular, showed that the relevance of environmental pollution, environmental disaster as a determinant of personal fears among high school students and students is recognized by 29-42% of respondents.

Ecological alarmism also covers the sphere of social and cultural life, which gives impetus to new models of utopian design that does not go beyond the scope of intellectual and artistic activity. In fact, this is a way to create new sociocultural patterns of people's hostel, sometimes acquiring the features of the real behavior of local communities.

Nevertheless, the reproduction of sociocultural images, more than half a century after the beginning of their literary life, is of research interest in itself. Within the framework of our topic, it is important to note the replacement of the aggression of group solidarity with the norms of behavior prescribed in the literary source (or rather, with patterns of behavior in situations of a simulated world). Ingroup favoritism is predetermined by a fairy tale, which the participants initially know to be a fairy tale. Symbols of aggression (for example, a sword) are also "environmentally friendly": they are only images of such symbols (cardboard swords).

A source: Lukov V. A. State youth policy: the problem of social design of the future of Russia // Humanitarian knowledge: development trends in the XXI century. In honor of the 70th anniversary of Igor Mikhailovich Ilyinsky / coll. monograph. ; under total ed. Shaft. A. Lukova. M .: Publishing House of the National. Institute of Business, 2006, pp. 535–556.

State Youth Policy and National Security. The question of the connection between the state youth policy and national security has been raised by life itself. Relying on youth is a long-standing tool for both maintaining the national spirit and external expansion, both for the dialogue of cultures and for undermining value systems. And in modern Russia, this question sounds, as they say, at the top of its voice. In the documents that were prepared in 2002 for a specialized meeting State Council Russian Federation on Youth Issues, their authors wrote that the novelty of the turn in the state youth policy lies precisely in the fact that this policy is moving to the level of solving national security problems. We will return to this issue, we will immediately note that the “color revolutions” of recent years forced us to see in abstract statements that “youth is our future” a real threat to the social order and political system, which is still rather weak, unstable. The Russian authorities, having pushed the social problems of youth to the very backyard of their political course since the early 1990s, started talking about the protest potential of the younger generation, about the danger of youth protests, etc.

The “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space gave a new impetus to the development of the concepts of the state youth policy (GMP) in Russia, and this again confirmed the opportunistic nature of the attitude of the authorities towards youth: on youth problems in the bodies state power they remember and begin to actively discuss them at moments when it is necessary to win elections or prevent a change in the political elite. Frequent revision of the strategy of the state's relationship with young people is evidence that the clear principles of organized influence on the process of change and continuity of generations have also been lost, and " drive belts» such an impact. And the stability of the strategy here is very desirable: as the experience of other countries, especially Germany, Sweden, Finland, from fixing in legal form concept of youth policy before its effective impact on the public life of the country takes 30-40 years.

Observers of political upheavals in the form of legitimate elections in Georgia and Ukraine have repeatedly noted the huge role of young people, especially students, in achieving their political goals by the opposition. Despite the fact that the revolutionary potential of young people has long been known (in the Soviet Union, the works of the classics of Marxism-Leninism, in which revolutionary youth was deeply and thoroughly characterized), their well-known political fanaticism in the new historical conditions has become a kind of discovery - both scientific and practical. .

Obviously, this is not a foreign problem for Russia. There is a need to rethink the state and prospects of the GMP in the light of the new political experience of the neighbors. Actually, the concept of GMP in the perestroika USSR arose as a paradoxical combination of the tasks of activating the youth for reforming society and at the same time "curbing" its excessive activity - the one that could destroy the social order. The reverse side of the youth innovation was not initially noticed much, and in the legal definition of the GMF, its traces are visible only indirectly (they are derived not from the wording itself, but from the general rule of inadmissibility of illegal activities). But the facade formula is clearly established: “The state youth policy is an activity of the state aimed at creating legal, economic and organizational conditions and guarantees for the self-realization of the personality of a young person and the development of youth associations, movements and initiatives.” With this, the state marked its strategic line in relation to the younger generation.

When fears arise today in power structures regarding the possible political behavior of young people in the spirit of "color revolutions", this means that the GMP strategy is bursting at the seams.

The problem of "liquidating the threat". If so, then the logic of managing social processes suggests a path that is often used: to identify possible "instigators", isolate them, or discredit them, or strangle them in arms (bribing them with a decision). personal problems etc.). Is this path suitable for current Russian conditions?

An analysis of the data of the next stage of the study “Russian University through the eyes of students” conducted in May 2005 by the Institute for Humanitarian Studies of the Moscow University for the Humanities with the support of the National Union of Non-State Higher Education Institutions leads to certain reflections. About 2,000 students of state and non-state universities in Moscow and a number of Russian universities in the regions (Kazan, Ryazan, Petrozavodsk, Syktyvkar, Vologda, Moscow region, etc.) were surveyed. The study was not devoted to the study of the political moods of the students, it touched only marginally on this topic, but the result obtained was not without interest.

The tool used in the questionnaire included an indicator (lost in one of the scales) that directly recorded the political attitude towards a critical attitude towards power structures. The result of the processed questionnaires is as follows: about 13% of students associate the implementation of their life plans with the change of government. This is a very high rate of explicitly "rebellious" attitudes, even if it does not imply street riots and barricades.

First of all, attention is drawn to the fact that students expressing such a position are concentrated in Moscow universities: here the proportion of "rebels" (that's what we call them, but in quotation marks - it will become clear below why) approaches 15%, while in non-Moscow universities presented in the study - only about 8% (half as much). It is also interesting how the "rebels" are represented in state and non-state universities. In Moscow universities, the ratio is as follows: 15.2 versus 14.1%, in universities of the regions: 7.9 versus 8.1%. So, the largest proportion of "rebels" - in the state Moscow universities. If we keep in mind that the study represents (albeit to varying degrees) the humanities faculties of the largest and most prestigious Moscow state universities (Moscow State University named after M.V. K. E. Tsiolkovsky, Higher School of Economics), the conclusion is clear: protest moods should first of all be sought in the best universities of the capital - those, by the way, where the effectiveness of the state youth policy should be most visible. But more about that later, but for now let's ask ourselves: what are the characteristics of those students who believe that in order to achieve their life goals, it is necessary to change the government? Or in other words, how is this group of "rebels" different from other students?

An analysis of the data obtained shows that there is practically no difference between the “rebels” and the entire mass of students, neither in terms of the financial situation of the family, nor in terms of combining study and work, nor in terms of membership in political parties and public associations or participation in political actions. Among the "rebels" there is approximately the same proportion as among all students, those who are interested in studying, who are satisfied with the faculty of their university, who would go to live abroad if they were lucky with a successful contract. Here, there is the same proportion of those who believe that the state should help students, and the proportion of those who are confident that higher education is a guarantee of success in life, etc. According to most of the parameters recorded in the study, this group is characterized in the same way as all the students surveyed in in general - that's the main thing.

Where are the differences? They are quite unexpected and make you think about the direction and mechanisms of youth policy. The group of "rebels" is slightly larger than those who do not think that their life has become better or has not changed in the last year. Excellent and good mood last week is noted in the total mass of students more often than in the group of "rebels". The "rebels" have slightly lower indicators of optimism in their views on their future, in assessing how students are treated at their university. A little more among them are those who would like to have power, establish an iron order in the country, a little less - who consider it important for themselves to be independent, etc. Moscow state universities give a clearer outline, where more than a third of the "rebels" (34, 9%) noted that they were in a bad mood last week (against a general background of 8.5%).

From the comparison of the data, it follows that there is nothing specific about "rebel" students that there is no such more or less formalized group, which means that it is impossible to identify it and conduct targeted work with it. For the most part, the reported discrepancies are not statistically significant, and only a certain trend is captured, and it is that the political application for the government is a reflection of a mood that is spoiled today, and tomorrow, perhaps, corrected. Mood flicker and will predetermine the frequency of appearance of statements about the need for a change of government (of course, if there are no clear signs of a government crisis as a reality).

From the point of view of political stability in the country, this phenomenon is extremely dangerous. In the student environment, political activity is formed according to the model of an exploding mine: a small detonator is enough to fire the entire charge. An insignificant part of the radically minded youth (and specifically students, and most often in the capitals) is enough to start a political crisis, as was the case in past decades in different countries and on different continents. If the slogans and calls of radical groups and individuals resonate with the mood of the student masses, the situation can change at such a speed that it is impossible for both the authorities and the student leaders to control it.

Since the attitude of Russian (especially Moscow) students to the government, to the political system that has developed in the country as a whole, can be changed at any moment due to a combination of circumstances, under the pressure of external conditions, then it should be recognized that we live on a volcano. By controlling the mood, one can achieve a rapid growth in the negativism of the student masses, it is easy to kindle a fire of anti-government speeches. And the long-term factors of youth policy have little effect on the change of mood; for the most part, they are poorly understood by students, especially by the youngest part of them.

But if we do not know and cannot know when and where it will explode, if there is no connection between this circumstance and factors other than public mood, is a youth policy necessary, and if necessary, what should it be like? After all, it is clear that the direction of all efforts to ensure that students have a good mood every day cannot be either a goal or a mechanism for the relationship between the state and students.

State youth policy: 15 years of change.15 years of development and implementation of GMF in Russia is divided by history into two unequal parts. At the beginning of this period, we were still living in the USSR and were just preparing for the adoption of the USSR Law "On the General Principles of State Youth Policy", the draft of which was widely discussed in the spirit of openness and publicity. There were many discussions about the youth law, about the Komsomol, about the ruling party. There were many hopes for such a policy of power that would reveal the potential of young people, create conditions for self-realization of young people in work, creativity, science, sports, for their wider participation in managing the affairs of society and the state.

What about today, fifteen years later? There is no great Soviet Union. The law on youth policy, adopted in 1991, is not in force, a new one cannot be adopted, and many subjects of the Russian Federation (Moscow among them) themselves legislate the foundations of youth policy. Most of the measures of social support for youth in the field of employment, for example, quotas for jobs, distribution after graduation to work in their specialty, have been canceled as non-market, compensatory measures social protection young people facing the elements of the labor market are not developed and not accepted. Measures to solve the housing problem of young families do not correspond to the scale of the problem itself. The education system is in critical condition, the desire of the federal government to finally minimize the education of the people must be regarded as a threat to national security. The leisure of youth is in the power of commerce. The "brain drain" abroad, the outbreak of social diseases, moral decay, the loss of historical optimism and patriotic feeling among a significant part of young Russians - one can list the results of 15 years of change for a long time.

At this time, the state youth policy lives its busy bureaucratic life. The structure of the federal executive power responsible for youth policy in the country has changed 7 times over these 15 years, approximately once every two years. 3 times an independent body was created - a state committee, 4 times the sphere was transferred to the jurisdiction of one of the ministries. Since 1994, the federal target programs (with the status of presidential ones) "Youth of Russia" began to operate. In some years, they were financed by about 10% of the estimated need. Lately the situation has been better (in terms of transferring budgetary funds), but the problem from the very beginning was different: how effective such programs are. In 2002–2004 66.9 million rubles were spent annually on the implementation of the federal program "Youth of Russia", in other words, approximately 2 rubles for each young Russian. What was planned to be done with this money? According to the text of the program, this is “a decrease in the rate of unfavorable dynamics in the development of the demographic situation in the country; raising the level of civil and military-patriotic education of youth; improving the physical health of the younger generation; increasing the income level of youth and young families; improvement of social and living conditions; reducing the level of unemployment among young people on the basis of advanced training and the formation of relevant requirements of the labor market; increase in the number of institutions for work with youth; increasing the business and social activity of young people”. Isn't it a lot for 2 rubles per person per year? Obvious absurdities eventually led to the fact that in 2006 the program fell out of funding altogether. This was the solution to the problem of unconvincing proposals.

Actually, the problem is much deeper and more extensive than it was presented in the events of the presidential program from the very beginning of its implementation. More precisely, we see in the program only a small fragment of the problems of young people, which rest on their position in Russian society, and partly with global social processes. Measures to reduce the number of divorces, improve health, reduce mortality, etc., planned in the short term, are not effective in advance. But even in areas where subjective factors play an important role (willingness, orientation of interest, etc.), it is hardly possible to reverse vast processes in such a short time even with serious efforts.

Such, for example, is the sphere of entrepreneurship, where in the 1990s it was planned to achieve particularly impressive results precisely by activating young people. Let's look at the situation at the time. According to the All-Russian study “Social Development of Youth” (1997), the proportion of young people who want to start their own business did not increase during this period, but, on the contrary, decreased (in comparison with 1994, from 38% to 31%). The number of those who planned to work in a foreign firm (from 35% to 28%) or in a joint venture (from 26% to 19%) also decreased. Is it only a matter of the public mood of young people, which can be influenced to some extent within the framework of planned events? Let's look at the objective side of the matter. Here is just one of the conditions for entrepreneurship - the course of the process of privatization of enterprises. This process for the entire period of the 1990s did not give a noticeable change in the situation in production and slowed down from year to year. In 1996, 4997 enterprises and facilities were privatized, which is 2 times less than in 1995, but the share of those for which purchase and sale payments were made in full was still less than 60% of enterprises privatized in this way and objects, and for corporatized - less than half (47%). Privatization proceeded unevenly across the territories of Russia. In descending order of the number of privatized enterprises and facilities, the first 15 territories in the list are as follows: Moscow, Perm, Sverdlovsk, Moscow, Kemerovo, Rostov regions, Krasnodar Territory, Republic of Tatarstan, Saratov region, St. Petersburg, Arkhangelsk, Tyumen, Yaroslavl, Volgograd regions, the Republic of Bashkortostan (these regions accounted for almost two thirds of such enterprises and facilities). Less than 25 enterprises and facilities were privatized in 32 subjects of the Russian Federation. This kind of circumstances and processes that directly affect the motivation to entrepreneurial activity, could not be shaken by state youth policy programs.

Under these conditions, the program approach has shown its negative sides: the system of envisaged activities, the unsteady organizational structure cannot ensure the fulfillment of the large-scale tasks of the state youth policy within the allotted time. The profanation of the ideological and theoretical foundations of this policy is laid in the instrument of its implementation.

In these paradoxes one sees a general absurdity in the practical implementation of youth policy. We have not resolved the issues of the boundaries of state intervention in the natural process of the formation of a young person, we do not know the effectiveness of the measures that we call youth policy, we are not good at calculating the necessary funds to implement such universal tasks as improving the quality of life of young people, changing their attitude to their health or stimulation of the intention to give birth to a child, etc. In general, an unprofessional approach to this area remains state activities. In 1993, more than half of the senior officials in the structures responsible for state youth policy did not have sufficient professional knowledge and managerial skills and did not have experience working with youth. The situation has not changed in principle even after “years of change”. Of course, there are many smart, honest, looking for workers here. But since the state itself determines the scale of expectations from youth policy at the level of national security tasks, then the demand from civil servants is special.

Several years ago, a Network of Terminal Stations of the Information System of the City Hall "Youth" was installed in Moscow, where each young person who applied would find information about 20,000 vacancies. The undertaking is good, but its effectiveness must be assessed taking into account, firstly, the scale of the problem of employment for young people and, secondly, the existence of other ways to help them find a suitable job. If this is taken as a starting point, then several hundred young Muscovites who turn to the resources of the Network throughout the year are a drop in the ocean. Actions are taken, but the problem is not solved, and often becomes even more acute.

15 years ago, 80% of the working youth were employed in material production, now - 45%. For more than 10 years, the situation has been maintained when the unemployed youth make up one third. There are almost half a million registered young unemployed in Russia. The mortality rate at young ages has almost doubled over the 15 years of change. This is the reality of the Russian version of the state youth policy. It, in fact, does not differ from the general state of social policy pursued by the Russian state in the last decade and a half.

But then the question is natural: why, despite the mass of evidence about the rejection of anti-people reforms by Russians, about high tension in society, about protest moods, about an unthinkable gap in the level of incomes of the population, about the mass impoverishment of the population, about the loss of confidence in state bodies, politicians, ideologists etc., despite the contradiction to the world experience of social explosions - nothing like this happened? If we talk about youth - there were no performances (primarily student ones) in the 1990s, when, according to all signs of world experience, they should have swept across the country?

A paradoxical conclusion follows from studies of the problems of youth and students: the situation of chaos and the reduction of social control during the collapse of the USSR helped to maintain stability in many ways. For students, in particular, ample opportunities have arisen to experiment on themselves, combining study with job search and work itself - related to the profession or not. Work plus study, not only at evening and correspondence departments, but also at full-time departments, have become a kind of graphite in a nuclear reactor: the student is busy with both studies and earning a livelihood, he is independent and relatively well off, he has little time for protest actions. Practical conclusions should be drawn from this spontaneous situation. Maintaining social stability in society is largely achievable if the issues of effective employment of young people, students in the first place, are addressed. Efficient employment must be understood not only as economic category. It is important to the young man considered his employment effective. In other words, he believed that he realized himself in business to a sufficient extent, had the prospect of growth, his work was interesting to him, etc. Here he sees the main direction for the implementation of programs for educating young people of patriotism and citizenship, without which no youth policy measures will bear fruit . But if we agree with this, then a new organization of youth employment is required: the creation information systems helping to find a job, the development of a special class of jobs in modern industries (taking into account the prospects of the information society), the organization of research and production enterprises at universities, etc., where large funds should be directed. Much is being done today, but the scale of the problem far exceeds the ongoing experimental work. Even self-motivated students expect employment support from their universities. “Should a university give any guarantees to its graduates regarding their employment?” - yes, say almost 80% of the students surveyed in our study. But this is not so much a question of the university as of the state, its youth policy. It must be assumed that the inclusion of students in professional activity forms their plans for the future, makes the desired prospects real, gives experience of interaction in labor collectives. All forms of additional education, second higher education, postgraduate education (postgraduate studies) are also important.

GMP: what's next? When the scale of the problem is comparable to a national disaster, attempts to get around the actions of individual departments will not work. The same is true for GMP. We, I think, have two pillars in updating approaches to the state youth policy.

The first is to go beyond the limits of this or that ministry, this or that target program when solving youth problems. The connection between national security and GMP is a well-posed question. It follows from this that departmental management in this area of ​​state policy, and even closed within the framework of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, that is, limited in its content, is not enough. Proposals on the special role of the President of the Russian Federation, not only in determining the foundations of the GMP, but also in organizing the activities of executive authorities, deserve attention. But even in this case, to plan that the state will solve all the problems of young people, and in addition, take control of their socialization, means to follow the vicious path of paternalism in relations with young people, not trusting them and fearing them even more than an external enemy. It is necessary to re-understand what the state should do to solve youth problems, without replacing the personal efforts of each young person to achieve life goals, without narrowing the zone of youth self-determination. Where is the line separating the necessary and sufficient measures from the excessive ones, and therefore giving rise to infantilism and unjustified expectations, from the “giving state”? This is not an easy issue, it requires a broad public discussion.

The second pillar is the youth itself. The youth movement is going in different directions today. From a single and only youth organization - the Komsomol, in which the share of youth coverage (often formally achieved) reached 60% - Russia left this dimensionless organization, but glorious in many of its deeds. I came to an immense number of organizations, it is not even known how many there are: according to statistics, from 300 to 500 thousand; according to research, they include about 6% of young Russians. It turns out that on average, each of the organizations consists of less than 4 people. In general, the very inconsistency of the data shows how well the state knows with whom it works. Now some authorities are again trying to create youth organizations on which they can rely. Such attempts usually exhaust themselves quickly.

It is important for state structures to determine with whom in the youth movement they join forces to pursue a realistic course in the field of youth policy. Do not flirt with youth organizations and do not create illusions that they can control the youth today. Do not put such tasks before them in exchange for state support for their activities. Their role is determined by the extent to which they are able to participate in building civil society in Russia.

Apparently, the time for federal targeted programs like the Presidential program "Youth of Russia" has either passed or has not come. Perhaps, at the federal level, there should be a program of a predominantly managerial nature that would allow coordinating funds allocated for the purposes of the GMP through various channels, organizing the preparation of social projects, organizing personnel training, consultations for the regions and research. This program must implement principle of subsidiarity- transfer of funds for the implementation of tasks of a state nature to those who can best implement them. If we talk about youth policy - first of all, youth and children's public associations, including student ones. This, by the way, was the meaning of the Federal Law “On State Support of Youth and Children's Public Associations” (1995), which for the first time fixed the mechanisms for implementing the principle of subsidiarity. Changes to the Law adopted in 2004 made it unnecessary. We have to state that the meaning of the Law is not understood by the new generation of politicians. Not only the ideological, educational side of supporting youth and children's organizations is not understood, but also the economic efficiency of investing relatively small funds in the socially useful affairs of organized youth, which release much larger funds spent on overcoming deviations in the youth environment.

Everything must start over. Again, a broad discussion about youth policy is needed, which was launched in 1987-1991. Again, it is necessary to convince the country's leadership and society that "taking the socialization of youth under state control" (the central point in the draft documents prepared in 2002 for the meeting of the State Council) is impossible otherwise than by embarking on the path of a totalitarian state. It is possible and necessary to build a youth policy on cooperation between the state and civil society, creating conditions for a young person to join national values ​​and realize himself in business, show his abilities.

This, apparently, is the answer to the question of how measures in the field of GMF can prevent the participation of young people in "color revolutions". Events like the Ukrainian "orange revolution" were not predicted when the foundations of the state youth policy in Russia were being formed. Today, however, the specter of a "student rebellion" can obscure the main thing for which society needs the GMF, namely, the strategy of social development. It must be admitted, firstly, that no specific measures of the GMP can give the authorities a guarantee against political speeches by opposition youth, and secondly, that plans to activate the protest potential of youth are built not only by “their own” opposition: they are also part of the ongoing in other forms " cold war”, about which I. M. Ilyinsky writes so vividly. These plans have long been focused on the younger generation, on those who are both naive and active, who are easier to confuse and lead to the barricades. Opposition to this by Russian counterintelligence and counterpropaganda is necessary but not sufficient. As long as the authorities give the opportunity to “take care” of young Russians to foreign capital (to lure talents, rebuild the educational space, occupy the leisure sector, etc.), the trend towards self-realization of young people in the interests of not only their own, but also our country can hardly become decisive.

Designing the future of Russia. In fact, the design of youth policy is the design of future states of society, as well as the design of future problems of social development.

To comprehend the entire structure of the state youth policy implemented in Russia, the approach from the point of view of the theory and practice of social design seems to be productive. Project thinking is becoming basic in the field of managing social processes at the macro and micro levels, project work is increasingly used in the world practice of social transformations. The most important features of project thinking are the refusal to evaluate innovations only by their economic success and the increasingly definite connection of all actions within the framework of the project, including calculations of costs and possible profits, with value orientations - humanitarian and environmental.

From this perspective, one cannot fail to see that software development in the field of state youth policy, which resulted in a number of important documents, nevertheless did not take it beyond the limits of organizational measures in the upper echelons of power. Organizational changes have not led to the creation of real conditions for improving the situation of young people. Social problems for the majority of young people not only were not resolved, but also grew.

The contradiction between the intensification of practical actions of executive authorities to implement targeted programs and the absence of noticeable changes in the position of the vast majority of young Russians is the core of the problem of the effectiveness of state youth policy at the present stage.

In addition to the low level of resource support for state youth policy activities, the specific sensitivity of young people not only to the content of government measures, but also to the style of actions of the authorities has acquired special significance. Paternalism, overorganization and the nature of support imposed from above devalued even sufficiently strong measures that were effective for other categories of the population. The most acceptable form of implementation of the state youth policy for young people - the offer of partnership in solving the problems of youth and society - has not received noticeable development and distribution.

The change in the situation in society has little effect on approaches to the implementation of the immediate and distant goals of the state youth policy. The main directions of the state youth policy in the Russian Federation, approved by the decision of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation in 1993, were not adjusted after the adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. In the context of the legal uncertainty that has arisen, the constituent entities of the Russian Federation have taken the initiative to develop legislative support for the state youth policy. In 1996–1998 laws on state youth policy, on state support for youth and children's public associations, on youth for the first time or in new edition were adopted in the republics of Altai, Bashkortostan, Komi, Mordovia, Primorsky, Stavropol Territories, Arkhangelsk, Kostroma, Lipetsk, Rostov, Saratov Regions, the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug, in Moscow and the Moscow Region, and other subjects of the Russian Federation. In total, such laws have been adopted in approximately 70 Russian regions.

The law-making activity of recent years is of great importance for the protection of the rights of young citizens and youth associations. However, it remains problematic to implement the adopted laws and other normative legal acts in the interests of young people. The settlement of important, but private issues, the strengthening of guarantee mechanisms in the forms of law is in contrast to the practice of law enforcement, with a massive violation of constitutional guarantees in relation to citizens, including young people. Non-payment of wages, failure to comply with the guarantees of employment, education, social protection, protection of property and non-property rights of citizens provided for by laws create a background against which attempts to solve individual youth problems look too insignificant.

Once again, the task arises to comprehend the possibilities for a realistic state youth policy. What, after all, is the insurmountable problem of separating conceptual developments from life? Is it just a transitional period in Russian society that has not yet gone down in history?

Let's look at some data. On the doorstep XXI century 23334 thousand 15-29 year old Russians lived in cities (or 75% of the total number of people of this age). At the same time, the features of urbanization are associated with the distribution of cities and urban-type settlements by the number of inhabitants. In the Russian Federation, there were 1087 cities and 1991 urban-type settlements. The most common type of urban settlement is settlements with a population of 5–10 thousand people (649), settlements with a population of up to 3 thousand - 579, from 3 to 5 thousand - 440. Among the cities, the largest number were those in which 20-50 thousand inhabitants (370). But the main urban population is concentrated in a small number of giant cities. In cities with a population of more than 1 million people (there are 13 such cities), 23% of all citizens lived, and in cities with a population of more than 500 thousand people (31 cities, including cities with 1 million or more inhabitants) - 34%.

Are these decisive differences in the way of life of young people noticeable in the documents on the state youth policy? When the idea of ​​self-realization of young people is put forward, is it compared with the striking differences in living conditions and the value-normative environment of a village, a small town, a large industrial and cultural center, an agglomeration (up to 35 million people live in the Moscow-St. Petersburg agglomeration)?

Another significant dimension is the comparison of territories in terms of socio-economic indicators. In these general indicators, there is also a fixed difference in the social position of young people, which is fraught with a violation of the social mobility natural for this environment.

One of the most significant factors that predetermine the inequality of young people's opportunities in the economic sphere is the polarization of Russian regions in terms of the distribution of real incomes per capita. The difference between the poles of regional differentiation by income to the beginning XXI century in Russia was 13 times, in terms of costs - 48 times. However, the difference in geographical conditions and the way of life of people does not allow using such comparisons without reservations. In this regard, comparisons of territories that are historically, geographically and culturally interconnected are much more indicative. The Novgorod region in terms of per capita income at that time exceeded the Pskov region by 1.5 times, in terms of expenditure - by 1.6 times. The same ratio is between the Kaluga and Ivanovo regions. According to this indicator, Moscow significantly differed from the Moscow region surrounding it, which it surpassed in income - 5.5 times, in expenses - 6.8 times. The situation did not change significantly in the 2000s.

The economic situation of young people indirectly depends on the dependent burden on the able-bodied population in various regions. And here the regional differentiation is huge: this indicator at the poles differs by 3.3 times.

Such data require careful consideration in connection with the tasks of the state youth policy to promote the economic independence of young people. The conceptually fixed uniformity in the matter of increasing the economic activity of young Russians rests on a factor that cannot be overcome by organizational means - the actual difference in the economic systems in which certain young Russians live. The same should be said about the striking sociocultural differences.

Separate parameters of territorial differences only reveal a picture of the difference between the typical socialization trajectories of young people. It can be quite definitely stated that in the Russian territories such trajectories often turn out to be hardly comparable. But the differentiation of socialization paths goes deeper, and in large cities, with a careful look at socialization processes, we will find several parallel communities, within which the socialization trajectories of young people differ not in details, but structurally, since they are associated with different normative-value systems.

With such differences in the social environment, there is very little room for common decisions in the field of state youth policy. These general decisions should cover only a few areas of activity, primarily the coordination of efforts and resources vertically and horizontally, informational, methodological, research support for localities and personnel work. The transfer of the center of gravity in the development and implementation of state youth policy to the level of territories, or rather, settlements, declared conceptually quite a long time ago, is the most practical matter of federal policy in this area at the present stage.

The most effective mechanism for solving the problems of youth, apparently, should be a social project. Project work allows you to combine the advantages of vertical and horizontal management relationships, rely on available resources and achieve precisely defined goals. Limited resources are the initial basis of social design, but this factor is not a problem, but a well-known advantage: limited resources sets the ceiling of what is achievable, does not allow too much detachment from the realities in the field of goal setting. Obviously, in this case, conditions arise for the widest variety of project searches and solutions, and each of the levels of implementation of the state youth policy has its own tasks and functions. The parallelism of projects - large and small - expands the zone of free choice by a young person of means that can contribute to his self-realization as a specific life plan.

Social design contains the technological keys to a new stage in the implementation of the goals of the state youth policy. At the same time, there is something more in its general foundations - there is a kind of philosophy of foresight of the social image of Russian youth, which, perhaps, will characterize it in the first decades of the coming century.

Today, to proclaim that youth is our future, but in fact to be afraid of their irresponsibility, is a weak policy. We need a realistic assessment of the state of youth and the youth movement. On this basis, the state and society should set high patriotic tasks for young Russians in the economy, science, culture, politics and provide the initial conditions so that the solutions proposed by young people become practically feasible. Here and now.

Hereinafter, the data of state reports on the situation of youth in the Russian Federation. See: Youth of the Russian Federation: position, choice of path: State report / Goskommolodezhi of Russia; Rep. ed. V. A. Lukov, V. A. Rodionov, B. A. Ruchkin. M., 2000; The situation of youth and the implementation of state youth policy in the Russian Federation: 2000–2001 / Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation. M.: Publishing house of MGSA "Socium", 2002; The situation of youth and the implementation of state youth policy in the Russian Federation: 2002 / Yu. A. Zubok, V. I. Chuprov (responsible editors); Ministry of Education of Russia. M.: Logos, 2003.

The concept of the law is presented by us in the publication: Lukov V. A. The concept of the draft law "On state support of youth and children's associations in the Russian Federation" // Molodezhnye vesti. 1994. #2–4. pp. 5–37.

See: Ilyinsky, I. M. Youth as the future of Russia in the categories of war: dokl. on scientific-practical. conf. "Youth policy and youth movement: 15 years of change", Moscow, Mosk. humanit. un-t, May 30, 2005. M., 2005.

Russian Statistical Yearbook 1997: Official. edition / Goskomstat of Russia. M., 1997. S. 68–69.

There. pp. 94–95. These data, which we placed in the text of the state report “The Status of Youth in the Russian Federation and the State Youth Policy” (1998), were in some cases clarified by the employees of the State Statistics Committee, but in this publication we prefer to rely on the official publication of the State Statistics Committee.

Regions of Russia / Goskomstat of Russia. M., 1997. S. 473–477.

SCHOOL SPACE

Tkacheva Tatyana Yurievna,

teacher of history and social studies, MOAU "Grigorievskaya secondary school"

Sol-Iletsk district

Orenburg region

The modern development of the Russian state, the formation of civil society requires that the education system contribute to the formation of a conscious citizen, capable of cooperation, characterized by mobility, dynamism, and a sense of responsibility for his country.

Students want their school to be interesting to learn, to be treated with respect, to see them as individuals, to be able to communicate with each other, to have academic success and receive a quality education.

Parents of schoolchildren today have become real subjects of social order in the educational process. They want their children to be mobile, able to adapt to modern conditions both in the city and in the countryside.

Teachers want conditions for their creative and professional potential to be created, for parents to take an active part in the educational process, and for the state to pay attention to solving the problems of teaching.

The school must find the best balance for itself between the fulfillment of the state order and public needs, as well as between modern educational technologies and the cultural, historical, and social characteristics of the village.

Social design is the means by which it is possible to fulfill the state order and satisfy social needs.

I, as a teacher of history and social studies, see one of the main areas of my work - the development by students of basic social skills, practical skills in the field of social relations. The skills of solving socially significant problems are more effectively mastered by students in the course of social practice, when the guys participate in the creation of social projects.

Social projects are projects that are of a practical and applied nature, aimed at solving problems at the local level. A positive feature of social design is the ability of students to see the results of their activities through opinion polls, interviews, to see the attitude of different categories of the population to the topic of their project. Social projects give students the opportunity to connect and correlate the general ideas received during the lessons with the real life in which they are involved, their friends, families, teachers, social life, with social and political events taking place on the scale of a microdistrict, city, region, and finally, the country as a whole. During the implementation of projects, students actively use their knowledge, communicate and collaborate with each other.

From a psychological point of view, work on a social project is for students the practice of regulating interpersonal relations, developing business communication skills, mastering the basics of long-term planning, decision-making and awareness of responsibility for their implementation.

For a teacher, social design is an integrated didactic tool for development, training, education, which allows you to form the social competence of students, develop specific skills and abilities: design, forecasting, research, presentation.

For both teachers and students, participation in the project should be carried out exclusively on a voluntary basis. Experience shows that the best projects are the result of sincere interest and high intrinsic motivation teachers and students.

Effective work on a project requires a clear distribution of responsibilities between team members. When assigning responsibilities, personal qualities, skills and, of course, the interests and inclinations of team members should be taken into account.

The success of the work on the project is largely determined by the nature of the relationship between its young and adult participants. The scheme of work, which assumes that the teacher is the leader of the project, and the students are its executors, does not lead to success. The teacher should carry out the overall coordination of the activities of schoolchildren, acting as an assistant and consultant, but the main actors in the project are children.

Social design requires painstaking and time-consuming work, and sometimes certain material costs. That is why it is extremely important for the successful implementation of the project support of the administration, and, above all, heads of educational institutions. Provision of school classrooms and technical equipment for working on a project, materials for designing a portfolio, encouraging teachers and students who are actively involved in project activities - this is just an approximate list of possible forms of project support from the administration of educational institutions.

The use of information and communication technologies in project activities provides new opportunities:

Finding and using the necessary information, which is especially important for a rural school due to the limited literature in the school library;

Present the protection of projects visually, figuratively at the level of emotional perception.

It is very important that the project participants feel the usefulness of their work, see how their proposals find their practical implementation. This is possible with a sincere interest in social design and its results of representatives of power structures and, above all, local governments.

In order to develop democratic habits in students, to help them become active citizens of our city, I suggest that they leave the school to see the socially significant problems of the village, the problems of other people.

Work on the social project is carried out in stages. At the first stage the guys and I identify a social problem, conduct an analysis, determine the goals, objectives of the project, expected results, draw up a work plan, distribute responsibilities among group members, determine the necessary resources and sources of their receipt. At the implementation stage social project, students collect information, perform research, look for business partners, conduct planned activities (the role of the teacher at this stage is a consultant). The next stage is the project presentation stage. when students verbally defend the project, the guys present the logic and effectiveness of their project, show a computer presentation of the project (the role of the teacher at this stage is the consultant). And at the last stage, the stage of reflection, the guys and I sum up, analyze the results, determine the social significance of the project, inform the public about the results of the project. The authors of social projects present them at the annual regional competition "I am a citizen of Russia", where they win prizes.

Our social partners in the work on projects were local governments, the administration of the colony-settlement IKP-12, YuK 25/6, Chashkan LLC, and parents. We can say about the readiness of our social partners to listen to the arguments of the guys, to accept their proposals.

My experience in organizing work on social projects made it possible to identify the following positive results given method:

in the course of working on social projects, students develop the skills of social behavior, the ability to communicate with adults, conduct a dialogue, work with official documents, defend their rights, teamwork skills;

expanding students' knowledge about the complexities, relationships of the surrounding reality;

the attention of the children is drawn to the actual social problems of the city, the surrounding people;

children are involved in real practical activities.

Thus, social design is a real school of life, the lessons of which will help teenagers, both in ordinary life and in the most unexpected circumstances. Working on a social project, solving the social problems of a particular community, making decisions to take responsibility for the future of their city, a teenager becomes a person, a citizen, an inhabitant of planet Earth.

The projects proposed by schoolchildren help government officials to take a fresh look at acute social problems, and even provide practical assistance in solving them. Today's leaders of school teams can be considered as a personnel reserve of state authorities and local self-government.

Our experience shows that by teaching adolescents social interaction and designing socially significant cases, supporting their initiatives, we can talk about fostering an active citizenship of young citizens.

Specific social problems are determined by the peculiarities of the development of world social systems of socio-economic formations. These processes are now taking place in the context of the scientific and technological revolution and its socio-economic consequences. They define the general (in a relative sense) problems of sociological research: observed, expected and desirable changes in the system of social needs, in the social structure, in social organization and management, in the structure of time and in the living environment of society, in the way of life of people: increasing the efficiency of social production and improving the quality of products; acceleration of growth rates of labor productivity; creating an abundance of material and cultural wealth; the development of society in the direction of social homogeneity; intensifying the participation of workers in the management of production and society; improving the culture of everyday life, leisure, the growth of free time; the elimination of essential differences between town and country, between people of mental and physical labor; effective environmental protection; elimination of antisocial phenomena. In contrast to more developed areas of forecasting in sociology, the initial information arrays necessary for constructing time series are relatively weak, the level of research mathematization is significantly lower, which narrows the possibility of using modeling methods, the predicted phenomena themselves are much more complicated, this leads to a decrease in the lead period, in general, the range between short- and long-term forecasts, to the predominance of still purely preliminary, indicative, mainly qualitative assessments, the organizational base of sociological forecasting is also relatively weak. In Russia, only a few departments of various scientific institutions and a relatively small number of researchers are engaged in the development of such forecasts. The requirement for the complexity of socio-economic forecasts makes it necessary to tighten the lead time, the accuracy and specificity of quantitative and qualitative forecast estimates in sociology to the standard level of advanced social disciplines in this respect. Sociologists-forecasters are trying to compensate for the narrowed possibilities of extrapolation and modeling by expanding the practice of questioning, in particular, improving the methods of interviewing experts and developing the practice of polling the population specifically for the purpose of forecasting, which has almost never happened before in other branches of forecasting. Continuing this line, it is necessary to take care of forcing the mathematization of sociological research, which will create the possibility of a wider application of modeling methods.

One of social problems- the problem of orphanhood is global in nature and has acquired an all-Russian scale. At the same time, the positive experience of its solution has a local "point" character. Thus, there is a serious gap between the urgent requirement to launch large-scale work and the available resources for its implementation. The mechanism for solving the problem that has developed in the state system of education and social protection needs serious restructuring. The problem is how to move from point initiatives to solving the problem on a global scale.

The usual way to solve this kind of problems is to create comprehensive targeted programs, give them a priority for a certain period, restructure work government agencies. But it is precisely here that a number of problems arise, without special study of which all this global activity can bring purely negative results.

There are no global programs in the field of orphanhood yet, but it should be expected that the start of intensive work in this direction by public and state structures is close, judging by the active coverage of this problem in the media, the speech of the President of the Russian Federation, and the discussion of the problem in the State Duma.

Social design is a term that has been used relatively recently - since the 70s and 80s of the last century. Although, as noted by the author of one of the early works on the methodology of social design, V. M. Rozin, the first attempt to develop a global social project was made by Plato, who developed the doctrine of an ideal state. After the 1917 revolution, Russia becomes a huge field for global social experiments. The subject of design is society as a whole, including a person - every citizen of this society. The task of forming a new person was included in the program documents of the CPSU. This attitude penetrated so deeply into the minds of many leaders that in 1991, after the August coup, at one of the regional meetings, a major official in the education system quite seriously stated that "the task of the education system is to design a new type of child."

The tasks of global change set in Soviet times required the implementation of large-scale programs. And such programs were created. Many of them were implemented, however, at a very high price, and did not bring quite the results that were expected. However, most of the global programs, especially in the last decades of Soviet power, were of an ideological nature and did not bring practical positive results.

The author of one of the world's most popular books on design methods, J. Jones, comparing the opinions of authorities in the field of designing technical and human-machine systems, came to the conclusion that design should be understood as the process of "setting changes in the surrounding artificial environment" . Usually these changes are based on good intentions, in the sense that every designer strives to make the world a better place. Thus, behind the supposed changes are the values ​​of people, their ideas about " a better life” (often seeming so self-evident to them that there is no need for reflection on them).

Returning to the topic of orphanhood, we note that in a number of projects for the social adaptation of pupils and graduates of boarding schools, the authors sincerely believed that their influences remake orphans, form new personal properties and intellectual characteristics in them. The sociotechnical megamachine of the orphanage replaces the "piece" work of raising a child who, in addition to learning, needs a strong emotional attachment, a sense of his significance for another person, the ability to determine his own destiny. Therefore, effective adaptation of graduates of the orphanage took place where stable human relations developed between them and their adult mentors.

One of the stereotypes is that large-scale programs of social change can only be initiated "from above". Back in the 19th century, P. Ya. Chaadaev noted this feature of the social development of Russia: “Look from beginning to end our chronicles - you will find in them on every page the deep influence of power, the incessant influence of the soil, and almost never meet manifestations of public will” . And in the same place: "The deepest feature of our historical appearance is the absence of a free initiative in our social development." Distrust of public initiatives and reliance on the authorities is a stereotype that has survived to this day.

The fate of a large-scale project (program) is largely determined by the moment of "launch". If at the time of the "launch" the program is understood as a document descended "from above", and the people of practice - as the performers of a project developed without their participation, but "scientifically based" project, then the results and consequences of such programming are easy to predict. We are reminded of them by the entire experience of developing and implementing programs of socialist construction in our country. And the perestroika period can be described as the history of the creation and collapse of such programs, ranging from the fight against alcoholism and moonshining to the program of universal automation.

The reason for the inevitable collapse of such programs are two processes that are triggered by the document program coming "from above": imitation and manipulation. The imitation of program execution is due, firstly, to the fact that the program itself is not considered by most of the participants in the process as something that must be performed (reporting for execution and performing are two different things), and, secondly, the performer (unlike the author of the idea) works in accordance with the "letter", but not the "spirit" of the program. Manipulation - the second process launched by "such" program - is carried out both "top down" and "bottom up". Manipulation "from above" is a necessary companion of forcible introduction, manipulation "from below" acts as a protective process, as a means of protecting the imitator. Due to the destruction of meaningful connections, and the dominance of imitation-manipulative relations between the participants in the innovation process, the goals stated in the program are, in principle, unattainable. When the process goes far enough, and the consequences become visible, the management has no choice but to order the "scientists" to develop a new concept, a new program.

An alternative to this, although well-established and deeply rooted in our country, approach is the approach to developing a large-scale program as a program of action for specific people uniting in a community on the basis of common values, vision of problems, and ways to solve them. By uniting in a community, putting together joint efforts, members of the community increase the scale of their activities, their opportunities to carry out transformations. Ideally, even such a document as a regional program for solving orphanhood problems can be the product of a reflexive formulation of the actual actions of this community. Then the program becomes not a means of achieving social goals, often of an opportunistic nature, but being a community action program, it becomes a process of implementing cultural values ​​accepted by the community, and goals, means and resources become purely technical aspects of this implementation.

It was in this way - as an association of author's projects - that the regional "Program for the Stabilization and Development of Education in the Perm Region for 1996-2000" was created. The development of the program was preceded by a three-year work on the initiation of innovative projects of teachers, educational institutions, education authorities. The decision to develop an initiative program was made conference of innovative educators, and the concept of the program was developed by a group of specialists who were selected at the same conference.The basis of the program, which included more than 80 author's projects, was created within a month.Most of the projects indicated that they would be implemented on one scale or another even in case they do not receive support from the regional education department.The program was "doomed to be feasible" and approved by the head of the Main Department of Education of the Perm Region.Despite the objective difficulties (the 1998 default, the economic crisis), this program was successfully implemented lysed.

It was this path “from below” that was proposed as a strategic basis for the management of the investment program “Helping Orphans in Russia” (ARC Program) at the moment when the inadequacy of the initial strategy to support large public initiatives to achieve rapid large-scale results became obvious.

It would seem that investment programs should not face the difficulties that arise when programs are launched “from above”. However, as the very first competition showed, most of the projects, especially those applying for large sums (the upper limit in the "Help to Orphans in Russia" program was a grant of one hundred thousand US dollars), were clearly imitative in nature.

The ARC program, focused on supporting major regional initiatives, faced a lack of such, and thus proved unable to fulfill its mission in Russia. In this situation, the leadership of the ARC Program faced the need for self-determination: either to formally implement the program and distribute money to organizations that indirectly deal with the problems of orphans in their activities, but do not directly deal with this problem; or close the program; or change the strategy of the program and find a solution in which the program funds go to help orphans.

In this situation, ARC Program Director Chris Kavanaugh chose the path of finding a solution that would make the program as effective as possible.

As possible solution V. Zaretsky and M. Dubrovskaya were invited to hold regional project seminars with potential actors in the field of social orphanhood (potential grant recipients of the Program).

Why potential? - Because, as the analysis of the situation showed, there were almost no real figures - people, organizations that would deal specifically with the problems of orphanhood. At the same time, on the one hand, the very fact of the emergence of the ARC Program revealed a great potential public organizations and state bodies, which, with a certain restructuring of their activities, could direct their efforts to solving the problems of orphanhood, but, on the other hand, put them in an ambiguous position.

Thus, the very appearance of the ARC Program provoked the “development” of simulation projects. We call simulation projects, in this case, projects that are formally tied to a topic, but in reality, in their content, are aimed at solving other problems.

At the same time, the competition of the ARC Program has become an occasion for many organizations working with special children, with dysfunctional families, to think about what they have to do with this problem, and, perhaps, to take it seriously, expanding the scope of their activities.

Thus, the problem was concretized to the limit. If there are no figures, ie. people who deal specifically with the problems of social orphanhood, the ARO Program and similar programs will not be able to provide assistance to orphans.

Therefore, the Program should help the process of emergence of actors in this area, i.e. initiate the process of self-determination on the problems of orphanhood.

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