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Yeltsin biography. When did Yeltsin die? In what year did Yeltsin die and where was he buried? Yeltsin after resignation

Brief biography of B.N. Yeltsin

The first President of Russia, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin, was born in February 1931 into a simple peasant family in Siberia.

Having received an education as a civil engineer, he began to build a party career.

For nine years, from 1976 to 1985, he served as first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU.

From 1985 to 1987 he was the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

Note 1

However, for active criticism of the pace of perestroika, he was removed from this post and removed from candidate membership in the Politburo.

In 1990, Yeltsin was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR, having previously left the Communist Party.

Subsequently, in June 1991, Boris Nikolaevich became the first President of the Russian Federation, and in August 1991 he led the opposition during the putsch. On August 21, 1991, on his initiative, the activities of the Communist Party were prohibited.

Note 2

Among his achievements is the agreement on the creation of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) after the collapse of the USSR in December 1991.

Boris Nikolaevich also won the second presidential election in Russian history.

Beginning of B.N.'s presidency Yeltsin

Note 3

First of all, it is worth noting that the country Yeltsin inherited during the perestroika period had many economic and social problems.

The distinctive features of that time were a fall in production and income of the population, an unrealistic increase in inflation, the criminalization of society, as well as a blatant and unlimited redistribution of state property and the country's wealth between newly emerging entrepreneurs.

Example 1

The paradoxical events in the history of Russia of that period are most fully illustrated by the world-famous footage of the storming of Parliament from a CNN live broadcast.

However, his cabinet still managed to cope with some of the problems of the USSR's legacy, such as acute shortages of goods. Also, the government of Boris Yeltsin was able to convince the countries of the former Soviet Union to abandon nuclear weapons.

Chechen campaigns of the 90s

Yet the most difficult and controversial issue of Yeltsin's presidency was the introduction of troops into Chechnya in December 1994. This was preceded by the republic's unilateral declaration of independence from Russia.

Note 4

The introduction of Russian troops marked the beginning of one of the most brutal military campaigns of recent decades, which resulted not only in a huge number of casualties, but also led to an increase in terrorist attacks by Chechens, both in Chechnya itself and in the rest of Russia.

As Yeltsin himself later admitted, this step was a “mistake.” However, later the situation worsened even more, so after the signing of the “Khasavyurt agreements” in 1996, in order to stop military operations in Chechnya, not only the money allocated for the restoration of the region, but also hundreds of people began to disappear.

As a result, Russia was forced to resume military operations after attacks by Chechen units in 1999 on Dagestan villages.

Results of the presidency of B.N. Yeltsin

Note 5

A distinctive feature of B.N. Yeltsin's presidency was not only his election to this post for the first time in Russian history, but also his voluntary resignation six months before the official expiration of power on December 31, 1999.

The resignation was due to the crisis of the last year of Boris Nikolayevich’s reign, when, against the backdrop of surrounding political and economic processes, there was a sharp drop in the population’s trust in the authorities, a change of government officials, as well as a struggle among oligarchic groups among themselves.

When leaving, Yeltsin apologized for failing to fulfill all the promises he made to the people before his election.

Events and people. Fifth edition, corrected and expanded. Rukhadze Anri Amvrosievich

The era of B. N. Yeltsin

Actually, when I wrote my memoirs, the era of M. S. Gorbachev had already ended, and the era of B. N. Yeltsin had already begun. But less than two years later, in 1993, events occurred that opened the eyes of many millions of people to what B.N. Yeltsin was like. I mean the shooting of the “White House” and the dispersal of deputies. I will not comment on this action of B. N. Yeltsin, it is already clear. But what struck me most was the reaction of many compatriots who saw in R.I. Khasbulatov (and not in B.N. Yeltsin) a fiend of hell, a Chechen striving for supreme power in Russia, while precisely he stood for our people, against the tyranny of B.N. Yeltsin. And this attitude towards R.I. Khasbulatov, I think, of the majority of Muscovites (and politics is always decided in the capital) determined the victory of B.N. Yeltsin and the continuation of his era, which continues to this day.

The Yeltsin era is the era of Russia's destruction. I will try to demonstrate this using specific phenomena characteristic of this era. I want to start with the fact that the Yeltsin era destroyed and continues to destroy Russian science. Science has always determined the potential of a country, and ours was at the highest level. Maybe at one time (mainly during the Second World War and immediately after it) J.V. Stalin gave too much impetus to science. But this was required by time - the time of atomic and missile weapons. More scientists and scientific institutions were created in the country than necessary. But to destroy what was created with difficulty was a crime, a great crime of B. N. Yeltsin. By reducing subsidies for science to almost zero, he initiated a large outflow of young, most capable personnel to the West. This is what the West wanted. By very quickly reducing the immigration of dissidents from the countries of the former USSR, the West opened the doors wide to scientists. Hundreds of thousands of young people left the country forever, enriching the West, since the training of one scientist in the West costs more than a hundred thousand dollars. So calculate how much we gave to the West! But it’s even worse that there are practically no young scientists left in the country, so with the passing of those who remain, science will die altogether. This process of degradation continues to this day, and is further aggravated by the constant decrease in the influx of students to universities.

The second huge crime of the Yeltsin era is the destruction of the economy, not only industrial, but also agricultural. It is often said that the merit of the economic policy of E. T. Gaidar, this “economic architect” of the Yeltsin era, is “filling empty shelves with goods.” Let's see what kind of filling this is and what it led to. Yes, the empty shelves were immediately filled! But how? I will show you using the example of Turkey and its contribution to this filling. When I arrived in Istanbul in 1994, I was struck by the airport, completely littered with huge bales for export to Russia. I learned that in just one day, 31 charter flights (mostly Il-86) arrive in Istanbul from various Russian cities, bringing Russian shuttles purchasing Turkish goods. A simple calculation shows that on average they left more than 10 billion dollars in Turkey per year, developing Turkish industry and destroying our already weak one. In addition to Istanbul, there were the same flights to other countries in Europe and Asia, there were trains and buses carrying away Russian capital, which was so necessary for its own industry.

The same applies to the agricultural sector. I will not expand on this topic. I will only note how the United States reacted when Russia stopped importing wheat or the so-called “Bush legs”. They almost declared war on us. Our exports are not only limited, they are simply prohibited. So much for a free market economy! And this is the merit of the “great economist” E. T. Gaidar, the right hand of B. N. Yeltsin.

Light industry was discussed above. An even heavier blow was dealt to heavy industry, including the military. We had it dispersed throughout the Soviet Union, in various republics. With the collapse of the USSR, when independent states decided that “we ourselves have a mustache” and would live much better separately, ties were destroyed and heavy industry immediately collapsed, factories, especially the military ones, stopped working. Once at the beginning of the Yeltsin era, I heard Yu. B. Khariton say: “Now, if a war breaks out, we can be brought to our knees with bare hands: Mayak-2 produces warheads, but we don’t have delivery vehicles - their manufacturer Dnepropetrovsk YuzhMash is located in Ukraine.” And what about the death of our Tu-144 at an exhibition in La Bourget, recently shown on TV in the “Top Secret” program, which may have been initiated by Anglo-French competitors?! What the West dreamed of happened: all independent states from the former USSR became either a raw material appendage or simply a market for the West.

And against this background of great crimes, the robbery of the people by Sberbank (which guarantees the safety of savings), the voucher privatization of A. Chubais, numerous commercial banks and pyramids, and, finally, the default of 1998, will seem like a childish prank. They simply divided and robbed the people - the people who applauded B. N. Yeltsin, bringing him to power. This is how he repaid the people.

Enough, I’ve stayed too long on politics, I’ve said too many obvious things. But it just boiled in my soul, and besides, I need this in order to show against this background how the “heroes” of my memories behaved during this difficult era of Yeltsin and how they behave now, after the departure of B.N. Yeltsin. It is in extreme conditions that “who is who” becomes clear. Not to mention the fact that it is precisely in such conditions that many old friends are lost and new ones are acquired. I want to talk briefly about them.

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Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin born on February 1, 1931 in the village of Butka (accent on the last syllable) in the Talitsky district of the Sverdlovsk region. Father - Nikolai Ignatievich, builder, mother - Klavdiya Vasilievna, dressmaker. During the period of collectivization, B. N. Yeltsin’s grandfather was exiled, his father and uncle were also subjected to illegal repression (both went through a forced labor camp). In 1935, the family moved to the Perm region for the construction of the Bereznikovsky potash plant.

Having successfully graduated from high school. A. S. Pushkin in Berezniki, B. N. Eltsin continued his education at the Faculty of Construction of the Ural Polytechnic Institute. S. M. Kirov (now Ural State Technical University - USTU-UPI) in Sverdlovsk with a degree in industrial and civil engineering. At UPI, B. N. Yeltsin distinguished himself not only academically, but also in the sports field: he competed at the national volleyball championship for a team of masters, and coached the institute’s women’s volleyball team.

While studying, he met his future wife Naina (Anastasia) Iosifovna Girina. In 1955, having simultaneously defended their diplomas (the theme of B.N. Yeltsin’s diploma was “Television Tower”), the young people went for a while to their destinations for young specialists, but agreed to meet in a year. This meeting took place in Kuibyshev at zonal volleyball competitions: Boris Nikolaevich took the bride to Sverdlovsk, where the wedding took place.

Professional biography of B.N. Yeltsin began in 1955 in the Uraltyazhtrubstroy trust. However, before taking up the position of a foreman, he preferred to master blue-collar professions: he alternately worked as a bricklayer, concrete worker, carpenter, carpenter, glazier, painter, plasterer, and crane operator. From 1957 to 1963 - foreman, senior foreman, chief engineer, head of the construction department of the Yuzhgorstroy trust, chief engineer of the best DSK in the field and then its director. Professional achievements and organizational talent attracted B.N. Yeltsin received the attention of party organs. In the second half of the 60s, his life in politics began. Almost twenty years of intense leadership work bind B.N. Yeltsin and Sverdlovsk, and for half of this period he stood at the head of the regional party organization. Since 1968 - head of the construction department of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. Since 1975 - Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. Since 1976 - first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. In 1981 he was elected a member of the CPSU Central Committee. The “Ural period” of the biography of the First President of Russia is marked by the revival of the economic and social life of the region. The region has become a leader in many indicators, primarily in the pace and scale of industrial and civil construction, reconstruction of the Ural industry, and creation of modern infrastructure. It was on the initiative of B.N. Yeltsin that a metro was laid in Sverdlovsk, one of the few cities besides Moscow. Constant attention to the problems of the village and their deep understanding by the head of the region made it possible to maintain the agricultural sector at a stable level, despite the risky nature of farming in the Middle Urals. Being, according to the then generally accepted term, “the owner of the region,” B. N. Yeltsin gave preference to the human factor in working with personnel, with the regional public, with residents of the city and region: any task must have a human dimension. At the same time, he knew how to be tough, demanding, and principled. It was a special, “Yeltsin” style, coming from internal composure and concentration on the main thing, from a solid professional foundation, from knowledge of life. The open position organically inherent in the future president of Russia in communicating and managing large masses of people won the trust and respect of the Urals people. But even outside the region, the name of B.N. Yeltsin became known. In particular, the broadcast of Sverdlovsk television on December 18, 1982 caused a great resonance in the country: “Member of the CPSU Central Committee, deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional party committee B. answers the questions of the workers and comments on the mail. N. Yeltsin."

It is natural that his professional knowledge, public authority and political potential were in demand during perestroika. In 1985, B. N. Yeltsin was invited to work in Moscow, in the central apparatus of the party, and after serious consideration he agreed to move to the capital. Since April 1985 - head of the Construction Department of the CPSU Central Committee, since July of the same year - secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for construction issues.

In December 1985, already the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, B. N. Yeltsin headed the Moscow City Party Committee and in a short time gained enormous popularity in various strata of society. Dictated by the times itself, B. N. Yeltsin’s meaningful departure from the traditional apparatus command-administrative style of behavior and management was greeted very warily by the highest party elite. The sincerity with which the Ural leader became involved in perestroika quite logically brought him to the line of sharp criticism, which he did not hesitate to address both to the apparatus of the Central Committee and personally to the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M. S. Gorbachev.

In January 1987, not the first, but truly acute public conflict between B. N. Yeltsin and M. S. Gorbachev arose at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which discussed the responsibility of senior party cadres. The independence of judgment and actions of one of the youngest figures in the Soviet leadership did not meet with understanding or support from the General Secretary. The secretary general's entourage fueled his suspicions regarding B. N. Yeltsin, interpreting the differences between them on the substance of the policy of perestroika and the future of the country as an attempt to attack the powers of M. S. Gorbachev.

In September 1987, B. N. Yeltsin sent a letter to M. S. Gorbachev, in which he thoroughly argued his critical view of the activities of the party leadership in managing the perestroika process and made proposals for adjusting the course of reforms. However, this appeal remained unanswered. At the October plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, B. N. Yeltsin took the floor and briefly formulated threats to perestroika, among which the emerging “cult of personality of Gorbachev” was named. Concluding his speech, the speaker announced his desire to leave the Politburo. And again, a responsible, frank discussion of the problems posed, which B. N. Yeltsin was counting on, did not work out. With the full approval of the Secretary General, the plenum responded to B. N. Yeltsin’s speech with a classic personnel maneuver: recognizing this speech as “politically erroneous,” it immediately recommended that the next plenum of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU consider the question of the advisability of B. N. Yeltsin remaining in the post of First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee. Probably, the Secretary General saw in his political opponent’s intention to leave the Politburo the possibility of B. N. Yeltsin moving into open opposition at the head of the Moscow organization of the CPSU. Already in November, the plenum of the Moscow City Committee obediently adopted the “decision on Yeltsin” that M. S. Gorbachev needed. And only in February 1988 he was removed from the list of candidates for membership in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and appointed first deputy chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee.

Despite M. S. Gorbachev’s warning that he would no longer “allow B. N. Yeltsin” to join politics, and the opposition of the party administrative apparatus, B. N. Yeltsin took part in the elections of people’s deputies of the USSR in March 1989, gaining 90 percent of the votes in Moscow. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May - June 1989), he became co-chairman of the opposition Interregional Deputy Group (MDG).

In May 1990, at a meeting of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. On June 12, 1990, he put the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Russia to a roll-call vote of the congress. It was adopted by an overwhelming majority of votes (“for” - 907, “against” - 13, abstentions - 9). In July 1990, at the XXVIII (last) Congress of the CPSU, he left the party.

On June 12, 1991, he was elected president of the RSFSR, gaining 57% of the votes (the closest rivals received: N. I. Ryzhkov - 17%, V. V. Zhirinovsky - 8%). In July 1991, he signed a decree to terminate the activities of organizational structures of political parties and mass social movements in government bodies, institutions and organizations of the RSFSR.

In connection with the attempted coup in the USSR in August 1991, he issued an “Address to the Citizens of Russia,” where he stated, in particular, the following: “We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return us to the era of the Cold War and isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power illegal. Accordingly, we declare all decisions and orders of this committee illegal.” The internal political crisis found USSR President M.S. Gorbachev on vacation in Foros (Crimea), where he thus avoided participating in the August events. The decisive and precise actions of the Russian leadership destroyed the plans of the putschists. Relying on the support of the people and the army, B. N. Yeltsin managed to protect the country from the consequences of a large-scale provocation that brought Russia to the brink of civil war. Members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested, and M. S. Gorbachev was released from “Foros captivity” and taken to Moscow.

On August 23, 1991, at a session of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, B. N. Yeltsin signed a decree dissolving the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and on November 6 of the same year he issued a decree on the termination of the activities of the CPSU and Communist Party of the RSFSR structures in Russia and the nationalization of their property.

On November 15, 1991, he headed the government of Russia, which remained in history as the first government of reforms. After the formation of the new cabinet, he signed a package of ten presidential decrees and government orders that outlined concrete steps towards a market economy. At the end of November 1991, Russia assumed obligations for the debts of the USSR.

Implementing his new powers, the president appointed E. T. Gaidar as the first deputy prime minister responsible for developing a new economic concept for Russian reform.

On December 8, 1991, B. N. Yeltsin, together with L. M. Kravchuk and S. S. Shushkevich, signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement of the heads of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine on the liquidation of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

At the end of the year, the Russian President approved a decree on price liberalization from January 2, 1992. In January 1992, the decree “On Free Trade” was also signed, putting an end to the distribution system of Soviet trade.

In June 1992, he terminated his powers as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation and assigned the duties of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation to E. T. Gaidar. The cabinet began a decisive market reform and privatization of state property.

During 1992, the confrontation between the legislative and executive powers grew, which is often called the “crisis of dual power.” Formally, it was based on contradictions in the constitutional system of Russia, but in fact - dissatisfaction on the part of the parliament with the ongoing reforms.

At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of Russia (December 1992), the parliament launched an open attack on the president, although already on the first day of the congress, B. N. Yeltsin proposed introducing a kind of “stabilization period”, within which both sides would follow pre-agreed rules . The President proposed that the congress temporarily abandon attempts to increase influence on the executive branch by using its right to amend the Constitution. The congress rejected these proposals, then by a majority vote rejected the candidacy of E. T. Gaidar, whom the president proposed for the post of prime minister.

December 10, 1992 B.N. Yeltsin made an appeal to the citizens of Russia, in which he called the Congress of People's Deputies the main stronghold of conservatism, placing on it the main responsibility for the difficult situation in the country and accusing it of preparing a “creeping coup.” The Supreme Council, the president emphasized, wants to have all the powers and rights, but does not want to bear responsibility. Reforms are being blocked, and there is a danger of destroying all positive processes. B.N. Yeltsin said that he sees a way out of the crisis in holding a national referendum on confidence in the president. B.N. Yeltsin called on citizens to begin collecting signatures for its implementation and firmly promised to submit to the will of the people, whatever it may be.

At the VIII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (March 1993), the political crisis entered a new phase: the deputies decided to disavow a number of previously reached compromise agreements, including the consent of the congress to hold a referendum.
In this regard, on March 20, B.N. Yeltsin signed a decree calling for April 25, 1993 a referendum on confidence in the President of the Russian Federation and, at the same time, the draft of the new Constitution and the draft law on elections to the federal parliament.

The All-Russian referendum took place on time. Russians were asked the following questions: “Do you trust the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin?”, “Do you approve of the social policy implemented by the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation since 1992?”, “Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of the President of the Russian Federation?”, “Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people’s deputies of the Russian Federation?” There were 107 million citizens on the electoral rolls. 64.5% of voters took part in the referendum.

On September 21, 1993, the decree “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation” (decree No. 1400) was promulgated, which dissolved the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. The President scheduled elections to the State Duma - the lower house of the Federal Assembly - for December 11-12, 1993. The Federation Council was declared the upper house of the Federal Assembly. On the same day (September 21), an extraordinary session of the Supreme Council reopened the confrontation with the president in order to remove him from office. The crisis lasted until October 4, 1993 and ended with the restoration of constitutional order in the country. This required the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow, the suppression by force of attempts by the opposition to take over the Moscow City Hall and the television center in Ostankino by force, and the suppression of armed resistance directly in the White House.

The crisis resulted in the president's decision to suspend the activities of the Communist Party. On October 26, a decree “On the reform of local self-government in the Russian Federation” was signed, which liquidated the Councils of People’s Deputies. Subsequently, the president’s efforts related to the problems of local self-government were aimed mainly at organizational and political assistance to the new system, the basis of which was local administrations (this work culminated in the adoption at the end of the summer of 1995 of the law “On the General Principles of the Organization of Local Self-Government”).

The adoption of the new Constitution and the elections on December 12, 1993 significantly improved the atmosphere in society and opened up the opportunity for all branches of government to focus on constructive work. In February 1994, in his first annual Address, the President called on the government to strengthen the social orientation of reforms. The president’s consistent efforts to pacify public sentiment led to the appearance in April 1994 of an important document - the “Treaty of Social Accord”, which became a tool for consolidating power, the political elite and society in the interests of creating favorable conditions for continuing reforms. The meaning of the agreement was seen in the search for compromises, establishing dialogue between government agencies and various political forces in Russia.
Along with complex economic problems, problems of federal relations came to the fore. In particular, the situation around the Chechen Republic developed dramatically. The negative consequences of her stay outside the legal framework of Russia under the Dudayev regime were obvious. At the end of 1994, the Russian leadership began to unravel the Chechen knot, hoping to solve this fundamental task in a short time and with limited forces.

The development of the special operation in Chechnya into a military campaign and the difficulties of socio-economic development affected the results of the State Duma elections in December 1995, as a result of which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation doubled its representation. There was a real threat of communist revenge. In this regard, the presidential elections scheduled for June 1996, in which eight candidates applied to participate, acquired enormous significance.

1996 - 1999

In the situation that was developing at the beginning of 1996, B.N. Yeltsin took into account and carefully responded to the prevailing moods in society and demanded that the government promptly solve the problems that worried people. The President carried out a decisive reorganization of the Cabinet of Ministers, which in January 1996 began to develop a new program of change.

In January - April 1996, the president signed a series of decrees aimed at timely payment of salaries to public sector employees, compensation payments to pensioners, and increased scholarships for students and graduate students. Energetic steps were taken to resolve the Chechen problem (from the development of a plan for a peaceful settlement to a scheme for the liquidation of Dudayev and the cessation of military operations). The signing of agreements between Russia and Belarus, as well as between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, demonstrated the seriousness of integration intentions in the post-Soviet space.

The President made 52 trips to various regions of the Russian Federation, including to intensify the conclusion of bilateral agreements between the federal center and the territories and regions of Russia.

The will of B. N. Yeltsin, his desire to achieve for all Russians the opportunity to live with dignity and freedom, uncompromisingness in the fight against the orthodox party nomenklatura clinging to power ensured the victory of the presidential course in the 1996 elections. In the second round of elections on July 3, 1996, B. N. Yeltsin defeated the leader of the Russian communists G. A. Zyuganov, gaining 53.8% of the vote (the candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received 40.3%). The main result of the difficult victory was not just the re-election of B. N. Yeltsin, it was a success new Constitution, a new political system and a young Russian statehood.

The 96 Presidential Marathon had a great impact on the socio-economic and political situation in Russia. The election victory made it possible to relieve social tensions and continue moving towards a market economy. The strengthening of the democratic foundations of the constitutional system was continued, the foundations of the legislative framework of the market economy were laid, and labor markets, goods, currency, and securities began to function. However, the situation in Chechnya remained difficult, where hostilities began again after the presidential elections. In this regard, the President authorized negotiations on August 22 and 30, 1996 in Khasavyurt, which ended with the signing of important documents. According to the agreements, the parties stopped hostilities, federal troops were withdrawn from Chechnya, and the decision on the status of Chechnya was postponed until 2001.

By the spring of 1997, the president completed the work begun earlier on reorganizing the government, the main task of which during the second presidency of B. N. Yeltsin was to develop a new socio-economic program. This program of priority measures became known as the “Seven Top Things.” It was planned to do the following: eliminate wage arrears, move to targeted social support, introduce common rules of the game for bankers and entrepreneurs, limit the influence of “natural monopolies”, fight against bureaucratic arbitrariness and corruption, intensify the regional economic initiative, widely explain to the public the meaning and goals entrepreneurship.
The government energetically took on the tasks at hand, although not all of the measures it proposed received parliamentary or broader public support. Criticism of the team of “young reformers” was also voiced in the President’s Address to the Federal Assembly in February 1998. On March 23, a presidential decree followed on the resignation of Prime Minister V.S. Chernomyrdin and his government. B. N. Yeltsin’s decision, which was initially perceived as a sensation, was based on a clear awareness of the inevitable completion of a certain stage of economic policy.

The political “heavyweight” V. S. Chernomyrdin was replaced by the young S. V. Kiriyenko. The President again demonstrated his principle of constant rejuvenation and rotation of personnel at the upper levels of the management system.

However, already in August 1998, the country faced a global financial crisis, which led the government of S.V. Kiriyenko to the fall. The default, collapse of the banking system and repeated devaluation of the ruble extremely complicated the country's economic situation, but the Russian market turned out to be stronger than expected. The August crisis was followed by a recovery: the replacement of imported goods with domestic ones and the intensification of export activity contributed to the stabilization of the economy.

In September 1998, the head of state proposed E.M. Primakov, who at that time headed the Russian Foreign Ministry, for the post of prime minister. The inclusion of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the government gave grounds to talk about the “leftward movement” of the executive branch. The cabinet sometimes enthusiastically participated in political discussions on the side of the parliamentary opposition. The President, in turn, demanded that the government strictly adhere to tactics for solving specific cases. There were no radical changes in the course of reforms, and it was even possible to generally stabilize the socio-political situation. On May 12, 1999, the president dismissed E.M. Primakov. The reasons for this step, which seemed irrational at the time, were in fact simple: the head of state did not see his successor in the then prime minister.

His name was actually named by B.N. Yeltsin on August 9, 1999 after signing a decree appointing V.V. Putin as acting Prime Minister, whose assumption of office coincided with the start of a large-scale operation against Chechen militants in Dagestan.

V.V. Putin’s energetic involvement in solving complex problems received the support of the majority of Russian citizens. An important role was played by the consistency with which he declared the continuity of the policy of strengthening the foundations of a market economy and the democratic structure of Russia laid in the 90s.

On December 31, 1999, B. N. Yeltsin announced his resignation and signed a decree “On the execution of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation”: “1. In accordance with Part 2 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, I cease to exercise the powers of the President of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999. 2. In accordance with Part 3 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation are temporarily exercised by the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999. This decree comes into force from the moment it is signed.”

Russians learned about this decision of their president from his New Year's television address. Thus, in modern Russia, for the first time, a precedent was created for the voluntary transfer of power.

The first President of Russia was awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 1st degree, as well as the Order of Lenin, two Orders of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Badge of Honor, the Order of Gorchakov (the highest award of the Russian Foreign Ministry), and the Order of the Royal Order of Peace and Justice ( UNESCO), medals “Shield of Freedom” and “For Dedication and Courage” (USA), Order of the Knight Grand Cross (Italy’s highest state award) and many others.

Boris Nikolaevich was interested in hunting, sports, music, literature, and cinema. Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin's family is large: wife Naina Iosifovna, daughters Elena and Tatyana, grandchildren Katya, Masha, Boris, Gleb, Ivan and Maria, great-grandchildren Alexander and Mikhail.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin died on April 23, 2007. He was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery in Moscow.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin (born 1931 - died 2007), first president of the Russian Federation (elected June 12, 1991), re-elected for a second term in June 1996.

Born on February 1, 1931 in the village of Butka, Talitsky district, Sverdlovsk region, into a peasant family. After graduating from high school, he entered the construction department of the Ural Polytechnic Institute named after. S.M.Kirova (Sverdlovsk, now Yekaterinburg), completed the course in 1955. For almost 13 years he worked in his specialty. He went through all the steps of the service hierarchy in the construction industry: from the foreman of a construction trust to the director of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant.

Take as much sovereignty as you can swallow. I don’t want... to be a brake on the development of national self-awareness in each republic.
(at a meeting with the public of Kazan on August 8, 1990)

Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich

In 1961 Yeltsin joined the CPSU. He began his party career in 1968 as head of the construction department of the Sverdlovsk regional party committee. Then he was elected secretary (1975-1976) and first secretary (1976-1985) of the regional committee. For a short time he worked as head of the construction department of the Central Committee, then was elected secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1985). In December 1985, Yeltsin became the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU and a candidate member of the Politburo of the Party Central Committee (1986-1988).

In Moscow, Yeltsin took energetic, but often ostentatious and excessively harsh measures to renew the party committees of the capital's districts. In a short time, on his initiative, almost half of the first secretaries of the district party committees were replaced (there were 32 of them in the city). New and not always prepared people appeared in the apparatus of city and district committees, executive committees of councils of people's deputies. The personnel “purge” did not spare a single city government structure. The first secretary of the city committee fought against privileges, often met with people, visited various groups, and found a common language with any audience.

Practically unable to drive a car, he once drove around Moscow behind the wheel of a Moskvich, and also rode on a tram several times. These advertising pictures were shown on television; they increased his personal rating among voters, but did not have any influence on the fight against privileges.

In 1987, his political fate took a sharp turn. At the October plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, Yeltsin made a speech that fell out of the context of the general conversation about the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution. The speech contained criticism of Politburo member E.K. Ligachev and a demand for more decisive reforms. The plenum condemned this speech as politically erroneous and removed Yeltsin from leadership of the city party committee. The very fact of his performance became widely known. Later, at the 19th party conference, Yeltsin called his speech erroneous and asked the party conference to make a decision on his political rehabilitation.

In 1987-1989, Yeltsin worked as first deputy chairman of the USSR State Committee for Construction with the rank of minister. In the first free elections in March 1989, Yeltsin became a people's deputy of the USSR, and then chairman of the construction committee of the Supreme Council. Along with A.D. Sakharov, G.Kh. Popov and others, he was elected co-chairman of the Interregional Deputy Group (more than 300 people's deputies of the USSR) - the first for many parliamentary opposition.

In 1990, Yeltsin received the mandate of people's deputy of the RSFSR and, despite the resistance of the party apparatus, was elected chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. On June 12, 1990, the Congress of People's Deputies, on his initiative, adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR, which essentially became the first step towards the collapse of the USSR. On March 17, 1991, a referendum was held on the issue of preserving the USSR as a renewed federation of equal and sovereign republics. Russian citizens were also asked a second question: about the establishment of the post of President of Russia. More than 70% of voters voted in favor, and on June 12, 1991, Yeltsin was elected president of the RSFSR.

Biography and episodes of life Boris Yeltsin. When born and died Yeltsin, memorable places and dates of important events of his life. Politician Quotes, Photo and video.

Years of life of Boris Yeltsin:

born February 1, 1931, died April 25, 2007

Epitaph

You left kindness and love alive,
No matter how many years have passed: we love, remember, mourn...

Biography

He did not serve in the army due to an injury, as a result of which he lost two fingers on his left hand. But this did not prevent him from becoming the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. And yet, the biography of Boris Yeltsin is, first of all, the biography of the first president of Russia. The story is twofold, ambiguous, but one thing cannot be denied - Boris Yeltsin played a big role in the history of democratic Russia.

Boris Yeltsin was born in the village of Butka, in the Sverdlovsk region. At school, he studied averagely, often entered into conflicts, including speaking out against the injustice of teachers towards children. After school, I studied to become a civil engineer and went to work in the construction department. Colleagues noted his responsibility and diligence - if Boris Nikolaevich took on something, he brought it to the end. These qualities of Yeltsin were the reason that Boris Nikolayevich soon began to move up the party ladder - for example, as secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, he carried out many useful events for the region: the massive construction of new houses, the construction of the metro, highways, the abolition of milk coupons, etc. etc. In 1985, significant changes occurred in Yeltsin’s biography - he moved to Moscow, where he headed the construction department, and then became secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Soon he began to often speak out against perestroika policies, which caused him to fall out of favor with his colleagues. It was he who demanded that Gorbachev resign in 1990, and a year later he was elected president of the then RSFSR. However, the RSFSR did not have long to live - two months later, in August 1991, Yeltsin created the State Emergency Committee. Thus the USSR collapsed, the Commonwealth of Independent States appeared, and Yeltsin became the first president of Russia.

Yeltsin lasted only 8 years as president - however, he made the decision to leave on his own. Yeltsin's health deteriorated greatly over the years, leading a young and problematic country was difficult for him, and he, in his own words, decided to give way to younger politicians. In December 1999, Yeltsin resigned, settled with his family in the Moscow region and began to engage in charity work.

Yeltsin had heart problems for a long time. The last few days before Yeltsin's death, the former president was very unwell - he suffered from a virus that affected all his organs, and was hospitalized, almost never getting out of bed. Boris Yeltsin's death occurred on April 23, 2007 - his heart stopped twice and the second time the doctors were unable to “start” it. The next day, a civil farewell ceremony for Yeltsin’s body was held in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior; on April 25, a farewell ceremony for officials took place. Boris Yeltsin's funeral took place on April 25. When Yeltsin died, many presidents and heads of state offered their condolences to his loved ones and Russian citizens, recognizing Yeltsin’s important role in the fate of the Russian Federation. A year after his death, a monument to Yeltsin was erected at Yeltsin’s grave in the form of a wide tombstone in the shape of the Russian tricolor flag.

Boris Yeltsin was one of the first politicians to condemn Gorbachev's leadership line

Life line

February 1, 1931. Date of birth of Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin.
1955 Graduated from the Ural Polytechnic Institute with a degree in civil engineering.
1955-1968 Work in the construction department of the Yuzhgorstroy trust, at the Sverdlovsk house-building plant.
1956 Marriage to Naina Yeltsina.
1957 Birth of daughter Elena.
1968 The beginning of Boris Yeltsin's party activities.
1975-1985 Work as secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU.
1978-1989 Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
1984-1988 Member of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces.
1981 Member of the CPSU Central Committee until 1990.
1985 Secretary of the Party Central Committee for Construction Issues.
1985-1987 First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.
1987-1989 First Deputy Chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee - Minister of the USSR.
1989-1990 Chairman of the USSR Supreme Soviet Committee on Construction and Architecture.
May 29, 1990 Election of Yeltsin as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR until June 1991.
June 12, 1991 Election of Boris Yeltsin as President of Russia.
July 3, 1996 Election as President of Russia for a second term.
November 5, 1996 Heart surgery.
May 7, 1992 Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.
December 1993 Chairman of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
December 31, 1991 Voluntary termination of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation, transfer of powers to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.
April 23, 2007 Date of Yeltsin's death.
April 24, 2007 Farewell ceremony.
April 25, 2007 Funeral of Boris Yeltsin.

Memorable places

1. The village of Butka, where Boris Yeltsin was born and where a memorial plaque was installed in memory of the first Russian president.
2. Ural Federal University named after B. N. Yeltsin in Yekaterinburg (formerly the Ural Polytechnic Institute), from which Yeltsin graduated.
3. Moscow Kremlin, the official residence of the President of the Russian Federation.
4. Monument to Boris Yeltsin in Yekaterinburg on Boris Yeltsin Street.
5. Cathedral of Christ the Savior, where Boris Yeltsin’s funeral service took place.
6. Novodevichy cemetery, where Yeltsin is buried.

Episodes of life

Boris Yeltsin in his autobiographical book described an accident during which he received a hand injury. According to him, he and other guys made weapons, wanting to go to the front. Boris entered the warehouse where the weapons were stored, stole two grenades there, then went deep into the forest and decided to disassemble the grenade without removing the fuse. The result is an explosion and loss of consciousness. When I got to the hospital, gangrene had already set in and my fingers had to be amputated.

In 1989, the foreign media widely discussed the fact of Yeltsin’s behavior during his trip to the United States. Information appeared in Soviet newspapers that Yeltsin spoke while drunk. However, the footage confirming this could just be the result of film editing. Yeltsin himself explained his slightly inappropriate behavior by saying that he had taken sleeping pills the day before, struggling with insomnia and fatigue.

Boris Yeltsin was known for his cheerful character

Testaments

"Take care of Russia!"

“I did the most important thing in my life. Russia will never return to the past. Russia will now always only move forward.”

Documentary film about Boris Yeltsin “Life and Fate”

Condolences

“President Yeltsin was a historical figure who served his country during a time of momentous change. He played a key role during the collapse of the Soviet Union, helped lay the foundations for freedom in Russia, and became the first democratically elected leader in the country's history."
George Bush, former US President

"Boris Yeltsin will be remembered for his significant contributions to ending the Cold War and his efforts to spread political and economic freedom at home and abroad."
Condoleezza Rise, former US Secretary of State

“At this sad moment, Italy feels especially close to Russia, with which it is bound by fraternal solidarity and friendship.”
Giorgio Napolitano, President of Italy

“The leader of the nation in the full sense of the word, a true patriot of his country, an outstanding statesman, whose soul was rooting for Russia and its people, has passed away.”
Alexander Lukashenko, President of the Republic of Belarus