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Moscow: 2003 - 590 p.

The most established positions and conclusions of the world international political science are generalized and systematized; its basic concepts and the most famous theoretical directions are given; gives an idea of ​​the current state of this discipline in our country and abroad. Special attention is paid to the globalization of world development, changes in the nature of threats to international security, and the specifics of a new generation of conflicts. For students of higher educational institutions studying in the areas and specialties of International Relations, Regional Studies, Public Relations, Sociology, Political Science, as well as undergraduates, graduate students and university professors.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword 9
Chapter 1. Object and subject of international political science 19
1. The concept and criteria of international relations 20.
2. World politics 27
3. The relationship between domestic and foreign policy 30
4. The subject of international political science 37
Literature 44
Chapter 2. The problem of method in the theory of international relations 46
1. Significance of the problem of method 46
2. Methods for analyzing the situation 50
Observation 51
Examining Documents 51
Comparison 52
3. Explicative methods 54
Content Analysis 54
Event-apalysis 54
Cognitive mapping 55
Experiment 57
4 Predictive methods 58
Delphic Method 59
Scripting 59
Systems approach. 60
5. Analysis of the decision-making process 70
Literature 75
Chapter 3. The problem of laws of international relations 77
one; On the nature of laws in the field of international relations 78
2. The content of the laws of international relations 82.
3. Universal laws of international relations 89
Literature 94
Chapter 4. Traditions, paradigms and disputes in TMO 95
1. Traditions: international relations in the history of socio-political thought 97
2. "Canonical" paradigms: main provisions 105
Liberal-idealist paradigm 106
Political Realism 109
Marxist-Leninist Paradigm 113
3. "Big debates": the place of political realism 117
Literature 122
Chapter 5. Modern schools and trends in the theory of international relations 125
1. The controversy between neorealism and neoliberalism 126
Neorealism 126
Neoliberalism 132
Key points of the neo-realism-neoliberalism debate 136
2. International Political Economy and Neo-Marxism 140
International Political Economy 140
Neo-Marxism 149
3. Sociology of international relations 155.
Literature 163
Chapter 6. International System 167
1. Basic concepts of systems theory 168
2. Features and main directions of the systematic approach in the analysis of international relations 173
3. Types and structures of international systems 178
4. Laws of functioning and transformation of international systems 184
Literature 192
Chapter 7. Environment of the system of international relations 193
1. Features of the environment of international relations 194
2. Social environment. Features of the modern stage of world civilization 196
3. Biosocial environment. The Role of Geopolitics in the Science of International Relations 201
4. Globalization of the international environment 212
The concept of globalization in comparison with other, similar concepts 214
The question of the historical uniqueness of globalization 217
The main ingredients of globalization 219
The controversy over the consequences of globalization 221
Literature 225
Chapter 8. Participants in International Relations 228
1. The essence and role of the state as a participant in international relations 231
2. Non-state participants in international relations 238
Main features and typology of IGOs ​​239
General characteristics and types of INGOs 242
3. The paradox of participation 248
Literature 252
Chapter 9. Goals, Means and Strategies of Participants in International Relations 254
1. On the content of the concepts of "ends" and "means" 254
2. Strategy as a unity of goals and means 267
Understanding Strategy 267
Great strategy .; 270
Crisis Management Strategies 271
Peace Strategies 272
Strategy and diplomacy 275
3. Force and violence as ends and means 277
Literature 286
Chapter 10. National interests: concept, structure, methodological and political role 288
1. Discussions about the legality of use and the content of the concept of "national interest" 288
2. Criteria and structure of national interest 298
On the unconscious element in the structure of national interest 304
3. Globalization and National Interest 307
Literature 317
Chapter 11. International Security 320
1. The content of the concept of "security" and the main theoretical approaches to its study 320
2. Changing security environment and new global threats 331
3. New security concepts 338
Cooperative Security Concept 339
Human Security Concept 343
Democratic Peace Theory 344
Literature 347
Chapter 12. The problem of legal regulation of international relations 349
1. Historical forms and features of the regulatory role of international law 350
2. Features of modern international law and its basic principles 353
Basic principles of international law 358
3. Human rights law and international humanitarian law 360
Human disposition right 360
International humanitarian law (IHL) 364
Humanitarian Intervention Concept 367
4. Interaction of law and morality in international relations 372
Literature 376
Chapter 13. The Ethical Dimension of International Relations 378
1. Morality and law in international relations: general and special 379
2. The variety of interpretations of international morality 382
Confessional and cultural performances 383
Conflict of theoretical schools 385
Holism, individualism, deontology 390
3. Basic imperatives of international morality in the light of globalization 395
The main requirements of international morality 395
Globalization and the New Normative 398
On the effectiveness of moral standards in international relations 401
Literature 404
Chapter 14. Conflicts in international relations 406
1. The concept of conflict .. Features of international conflicts in the era of the Cold War 407
Concept, types and functions of conflict 407
Conflicts and crises 410
Features and functions of conflict in a bipolar world 412
Conflict Resolution: Traditional Techniques
and institutional arrangements 413
2. The main directions in the study of international conflicts 417
Strategic Studies 417
Conflict Research 420
World exploration 423
3. Features of "new generation conflicts" 426
General context 426
Reasons, participants, content 428
Settlement Mechanisms 431
Literature 438
Chapter 15. International cooperation 440
1. The concept and types of international cooperation 440
2. Interstate cooperation from the standpoint of political realism 443
3. The theory of international regimes 447
4. Sociological approach to the analysis of international cooperation 450
5. Cooperation and integration processes 457
Literature 468
Chapter 16. Social Foundations of International Order 470
1. The concept of international order and its historical types 470
The concept of "international order" 470
Historical types of international order 475
Post-war international order 479
2. Political and sociological approaches to the problem of international order 484
3. Foreign and domestic scientists on the prospects of a new world order 492
Literature 504
Instead of a conclusion 507
Appendix 1. Some international principles, doctrines, theories. International organizations, treaties and agreements 510
Appendix 2. Resources on the Internet dedicated to research in the field of international relations (AB Tsruzhitt) | 538
Author Index 581
Index 587

International relations have long occupied an essential place in the life of any state, society and individual. The origin of nations, the formation of interstate borders, the formation and change of political regimes, the formation of various social institutions, the enrichment of cultures, the development of art, science, technological progress and an efficient economy are closely related to trade, financial, cultural and other exchanges, interstate alliances, diplomatic contacts and military conflicts - or, in other words, with international relations. Their importance is growing even more today, when all countries are woven into a dense, ramified network of diverse interactions that affect the volume and nature of production, the types of goods created and prices for them, consumption standards, values ​​and ideals of people.
The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the world socialist system, the emergence of former Soviet republics on the international arena as independent states, the new Russia’s search for its place in the world, the determination of its foreign policy priorities, the reformulation of national interests - all these and many other circumstances of international life have a direct impact on the everyday existence of people and the fate of Russians, for the present and future of our country, its immediate environment and, in a sense, for the fate of humanity as a whole. “In the light of what has been said, it becomes clear that today the objective need for a theoretical understanding of international relations, in the analysis of the changes taking place here and their consequences, and not least in the expansion and deepening of the relevant topics in the general humanitarian training of students, is sharply increasing.

M .: Gardariki, 2002 .-- 400 p.

Reviewers:

head Department of World Political Processes, MGIMO

Doctor of Political Science, Professor M. M. Lebedeva,

head Department of Political Theories, MGIMO

Doctor of Philosophy, Professor T. A. Alekseeva

Theory of international relations: Reader / Comp., Scientific. ed. and comments. P.A. Tsygankov. - M .: Gardariki, 2002 .-- 400 p.

The beginning of the XXI century. extremely sharply testifies to the fact that world politics and international relations are undergoing cardinal changes. At the same time, new international realities do not arise from scratch, moreover, they often coexist with events and phenomena, analogs of which have been known to science since the time of Thucydides. Therefore, a general theoretical picture of international relations can be obtained only taking into account the entire totality of accumulated knowledge, when, along with new ones, the established approaches, theories and views continue to retain their significance.

Fragments of works by Anglo-Saxon authors (1939-1972), which have become a kind of classics of international political science, are presented. Each of them is accompanied by brief comments of the scientific editor. All this makes the book a useful addition to the textbook on the theory of international relations.

For students, graduate students and teachers of faculties, departments and departments of international relations. Useful for social science students.

© "Gardariki", 2002

© Tsygankov P.A. Compilation, comments, 2002

Foreword (MM. Lebedeva )

Introductory article. International Relations Theory: Traditions and Modernity ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Section I. Traditions and paradigms

Edward Harlett Carr and International Political Science ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Carr E.X. Twenty Years of Crisis: 1919-1939. Introduction to the Study of International Relations

The theory of political realism: power and strength in interstate relations ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Morgenthau G. Political Relations between Nations: Struggle for Power and Peace

Kenneth Waltz and Neorealism in the Science of International Relations ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Waltz K.N. Man, state and war: theoretical analysis

Political idealism in the theory of international relations: illusions and reality ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Clark G., Sleep L.B. Achievement of universal peace through world law. Two alternative plans

Johan Galtung: Neo-Marxism and the Sociology of International Relations ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Galtung Y. Small group theory and international relations theory (study of the problem of correspondence)

Transnationalism in the Science of International Relations: The Contribution of Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Cohan ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Nye J.S. Jr., Cohen R.O. (ed.). Transnational relations and world politics

Section II. Theories and methods

The relationship between domestic and foreign policy: the ideas of James Rosenau and modernity ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Rosenau J. To the study of the intersection of the domestic political and international systems

Headley Bull and the second "big controversy" in the science of international relations ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Bull H. International Relations Theory: An Example of a Classical Approach

Can the Science of International Relations Become "Applied"? (Anatol Rapoport on the need to give a scientific character to the research of the world) (P.A.Tsygankov)

Rapoport A. Can world exploration be applied?

Morton Kaplan: Contribution to the Systems Study of International Relations ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Kaplan M. System and process in international politics

International Society from the Position of a Systems Approach: Oran R. Young on "Gaps" in International Systems ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Young O.R. Political gaps in the international system

Thomas Schelling and the Application of Game Theory to the Study of Conflict and Cooperation ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Schelling T. Conflict strategy

Graham Allison on National Security Decision Models ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Allison G.T. Concept Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis

Section III. Problems and solutions

Ole Holsti on Foreign Policy Decision Making in Crisis Situations ( P.A. Tsygankov)

O.R. Kholsty Crises, escalation, war

Ernst B. Haas on functional cooperation as a condition for overcoming conflict and achieving political integration ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Haas E.B. Beyond the Nation-State: Functionalism and International Organization

International cooperation: positions of political realism ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Wolfers A. Confrontation and Cooperation: An Outline of International Politics

John W. Burton on Conflict and Cooperation in the World Society ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Burton J.W. Conflict and Communication: The Use of Controlled Communication in International Relations

Moral and legal possibilities for regulating order in international society ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Schwarzenberger J. Political Power: A Study of the World Community

Quincy Wright on International Organizations, Democracy and War ( P.A. Tsygankov)

Wright K. Some Reflections on War and Peace

Lebedeva M.M.

Foreword

The publication of this book is of great importance for domestic international political science, which is difficult to overestimate. The book, through the texts of Anglo-Saxon authors, gives an idea to the domestic reader, primarily the student, about the formation and development of the theory of international relations in the world.

International relations as a scientific and academic discipline have their own national traditions of development. They were formed later than in the West and have a number of features. During the Soviet period, they actually developed under the same methodological paradigm associated with Marxism, which undoubtedly left an imprint on the study and teaching of international relations in the country. Many works published abroad, as well as discussions on the main problems of international relations, the methodology of their research, remained outside the field of vision of domestic scientists. At best, they fell into the section "Criticism of Foreign Approaches" and became known to domestic researchers and students only in a retelling. 1 ... The very works of foreign authors, primarily English and American researchers, who, for a number of reasons, made perhaps the greatest contribution to the development of international studies, were not available in Russian. Moreover, those who read in English found it difficult to find the necessary book even in the central libraries of Moscow. However, this state of affairs was typical for all social sciences.

Developing to a large extent in isolation from world science, international studies were, to a greater extent than in the West, focused on historical rather than political science knowledge. Later, in addition to history, studies of international relations began to include economic, legal and other aspects. Much has been done by scientists from the institutes of the Academy of Sciences, universities (primarily MGIMO, Moscow State University) to form such a multidisciplinary view of international relations. A significant impetus in the development of research on international relations in the country was discussion that unfolded in 1969 on the pages of the journal "World Economy and International Relations", when special attention was paid to questions of theory and methodology. Nevertheless, for a long time, international relations in domestic science have been considered rather "summarily", as a connection of various kinds, primarily interstate relations. This is reflected in the definitions of the concept itself. For example, in the "Diplomatic Dictionary" published in 1986, the definition of international relations is given as a set of "economic, political, legal, diplomatic, military and other ties and relationships between states and systems of states, between the main classes, economic, political forces, organizations and movements active in the international arena " 2 ... In principle, this approach was characteristic of research on international relations in other countries as well. However, there, firstly, there was a strong influence of political science, which was actually absent in the Soviet Union, and secondly, it was not multidisciplinarity that was felt to a greater extent, but interdisciplinarity. In our country, due to the established traditions, when academic science was built according to subject areas (hence the names of the institutes of the Academy of Sciences, for example, the Institute of Sociology, the Institute of General History, etc.), and not according to the problem principle, it was rather difficult to achieve real interdisciplinarity. Even in cases where the academic institution had an interdisciplinary name (for example, the Institute of World Economy and International Relations), its internal structure was still based on the subject principle.

The lack of interdisciplinarity, a political science perspective of considering the problem and insufficient acquaintance with the work carried out in Western countries negatively affected the development of domestic research on the theory of international relations. This was intensified by the pronounced regional geographic orientation of Russian works. Moreover, the tendencies and patterns of world development were not considered or were replaced by ideological constructions.

If during the Soviet period, research and teaching of international relations was concentrated in Moscow - at the research institutes of the Academy of Sciences (Institute of the USA and Canada, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Institute of Oriental Studies), at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, the Diplomatic Academy, the Moscow State university, then in the 1990s. in connection with the processes of democratization and the active entry into the world arena of Russian regions, corporations, non-governmental organizations, etc. the need for qualified personnel in the field of international relations has sharply increased, not only in the center, but also in the regions. In response to this request, many regional state universities (more than 20, and taking into account the related discipline - regional studies - more than 30) began training specialists in international relations, opening the corresponding faculties and departments. There are even more open non-state universities where international relations are taught. In addition, this discipline is included in the curricula and in the training of related specialists - political scientists, sociologists, historians, etc.

The rapid development of international relations was accompanied by the development of interdisciplinarity, translation of foreign literature on international relations, the emergence of domestic research, including on theoretical issues 3 ... At the same time, the rapid development of a new educational and scientific discipline is accompanied by problems and difficulties. So, especially in the Russian regions, there is clearly a lack of highly qualified teachers, good educational and scientific literature.

The theory of international relations occupies a special place in the research and teaching of international relations. The theoretical basis is the basis on which the understanding of specific political events in the field of international relations takes place. Neither personnel training nor the work of practitioners is possible without it. German psychologist Kurt Lewin once remarked that there is nothing more practical than a good theory. Therefore, it is no coincidence that theoretical issues are given such great attention in practical institutions, including the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In the field of theoretical comprehension of international relations, the existing gap that has arisen in domestic science and education due to the above reasons is largely made up by the book offered to the reader. The structure of the book seems to be quite successful. The first section presents classic works on the main theoretical schools in international studies - realism (E.H. Carr, G. Morgenthau), neorealism (L. Waltz), idealism (G. Clarke), transnationalism (J.S. Nye, R. Cohan). The second section is devoted to the methods of studying international relations, where we also find the classic studies of J. Rosenau, H. Bull, A. Rapoport, O. Young and T. Schelling. Finally, the third section examines the problems of interaction in the international arena, which is reflected in cooperation and conflict, as well as decision-making. This section contains works by J. Burton, O. Holsty, E. Haas, J. Schwarzenberger, A. Walfers, K. Wright.

The book is structured in such a way that the comments of the compiler are provided for each article. This makes it possible, on the one hand, to understand the place of this article in the context of other studies of this author, on the other hand, it allows those who are not familiar with the theory of international relations to use the book.

Undoubtedly, the proposed publication is necessary for those who study international relations, but it will also be useful for political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, historians and other specialists. Practitioners will also be able to find answers here to questions that worry them today, in particular, to what extent theoretical knowledge can be applied.

Doctor of Political Science, Professor,

head Department of World Political Processes

MGIMO (u) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation

MM. Lebedeva

INSTITUTE OPEN SOCIETY

Educational literature on humanitarian and social disciplines for higher education is prepared and published with the assistance of the Open Society Institute (Soros Foundation) within the framework of the Higher Education program

Editorial Council:

IN AND. Bakhmin, Ya.M. Berger, E.Yu. Genieva, G.G. Diligensky, V.D. Shadrikov

INSTITUTE

OPEN

society

P. A. Tsygankov

INTERNATIONAL

relationship

Recommended by the State Committee of the Russian Federation for Higher Education as a textbook for students of higher educational institutions studying in the areas of "Political Science", "Sociology", specialties "Political Science", "Sociology", "International Relations".

Moscow "New School"

BBK 60.56 i 73 Ts 96 UD K 316: 327

Tsygankov P.A.

C 96 International relations: Textbook. - M .:

New school, 1996 .-- 320 p. ISBN 5-7301-0281-10

The main purpose of the manual is to summarize and systematize the most established positions and conclusions available in the world scientific and educational literature on international relations; help in the formation of a primary understanding of the current level of development of this discipline in our country and abroad.

The manual is addressed to students and graduate students in the specialties: "International Relations", "Political Science", "Sociology", - as well as all students of social sciences and interested in the problems of international relations.

BBK 60.56 i 73

Foreword ...........................................

Chapter I. Theoretical origins and conceptual foundations

international relations .................................

1. International relations in history

socio-political thought ....................................

2. Modern theories of international relations

3. French sociological school .......................

Notes ....................................

Chapter II. About & eject and subject of International relations ........

1. The concept and criteria of international relations .............

2. World politics ....................................

3. The relationship between domestic and foreign policy ..................

4. Subject of International Relations

Notes ...................................

-....................

Chapter III. Method problem in International relations ....

Significance of the problem of the method ...............................

Situation analysis methods ...........................

Explicative methods ...................................

Predictive methods ..................................

Analysis of the decision-making process .........................

Notes ...............................

- .. ..........-

Chapter IV. Patterns of International Relations .........

1. On the nature of laws in the field of international relations ................................

2. The content of the laws of international relations ...........................................

3. Universal patterns of International

Chapter V. International system .......................................

1. Features and main directions of a systematic approach to the analysis of international relations ..........

2. Types and structures of international systems ...............

3. The laws of the functioning and transformation of international systems ............................................ .......

Chapter VI. The environment of the system of international relations .........

1. Features of the environment of international relations ........

2. Social environment. Features of the modern stage of world civilization ............................................. ............

3. Non-social environment. The role of geopolitics in science

O international relations ...........................................

Chapter VII. Participants in international relations ....

1. The essence and role of the state as a participant in international relations ......................................

2. Non-state participants in international relations .............................................. ....................

Notes ................................................. ...............

Chapter VIII. Aims and means of participants in international

relations ................................................. .............................

1. Goals and interests in international relations ...

2. Means and strategies of participants in international relations ............................................ .............................

3. Features of power as a means of international actors ............................................ ..................................

Notes ................................................. .....................

Chapter IX. The problem of legal regulation

international relations ................................................ ...

1. Historical forms and features of the regulatory role of international law .......................................... ..

2. Basic principles of international law ............

3. Interaction of law and morality in international relations ........................................... ............................

Notes ................................................. ......................

Chapter X. Ethical dimension of international

relations ................................................. ................................

1. The variety of interpretations of international morality .......

2. Basic imperatives of international morality ..........

3. On the effectiveness of moral standards in international relations ........................................... ...............................

Notes ................................................. .........................

Chapter XI. Conflicts and cooperation in international

relationship ................................................. ..............................

1. Basic approaches to the study of international conflicts ............................................ ...............................

2. Content and forms of international cooperation ............................................. ........................

Notes ................................................. .........................

Chapter XII. International order ..................................

1. The concept of international order ............................

2. Historical types of international order .........

3. Post-war international order ..................

4. Features of the current stage of the international order ............................................. .................................

Notes ................................................. .....................

Application (tests) .............................................. ...............

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FOREWORD

International relations have long occupied an essential place in the life of any state, society and individual. The origin of nations, the formation of interstate borders, the formation and change of political regimes, the formation of various social institutions, the enrichment of cultures, the development of art, science, technological progress and an efficient economy are closely related to trade, financial, cultural and other exchanges, interstate unions, diplomatic contacts and others. exchanges, interstate alliances, diplomatic contacts and military conflicts - or, in other words, with international relations. Their importance is growing even more today, when all countries are woven into a dense, ramified network of diverse interactions that affect the volumes and nature of production, the types of goods created and prices for them, consumption standards, values ​​and ideals of people.

The end of the "cold war" and the collapse of the "world socialist system", the entry into the international arena of the former Soviet republics as independent states, the search for a new Russia for its place in the world, the definition of its foreign policy priorities, the reformulation of national interests - all these and many other circumstances of international life have a direct impact on the everyday existence of people and the fate of Russians, on the present and future of our country, its immediate environment and, in a sense, on the fate of humanity as a whole.

In the light of what has been said, it becomes clear that today the objective need for a theoretical understanding of international relations, in the analysis of the changes taking place here and their consequences, and, not least of all, in the

The above diversity has greatly complicated the problem of classification of modern theories of international relations, which in itself becomes a problem of scientific research.

There are many classifications of modern trends in the science of international relations, which is explained by differences in the criteria that can be used by certain authors.

So, some of them proceed from geographical criteria, highlighting the Anglo-Saxon concepts, the Soviet and Chinese understanding of international relations, as well as the approach to their study of authors representing the "third world" (8)

Others build their typology on the basis of the degree of generality of the theories under consideration, distinguishing, for example, global explicit theories (such as political realism and philosophy of history) and particular hypotheses and methods (for which the behaviorist school) (9) Within the framework of a similar typology, the Swiss the author Philip Briar refers to the general theories of political realism, historical sociology and the Marxist-Leninist concept of international relations. As for private theories, among them are named: the theory of international actors (Bagat Korani); theory of interactions within international systems (George Modelski, Samir Amin; Karl Kaiser); theories of strategy, conflict and peace exploration (Lucy-en Poirier, David Singer, Johan Galtuig); integration theory (Amitai Etzioni; Karl Deutsch); theories of international organization (Inis Claude; Jean Ciotis; Ernst Haas) (10)

Still others believe that the main dividing line will be the method used by certain researchers, and, from the point of view, the main attention is paid to the polemics between representatives of the traditional and "scientific" approaches to the analysis of international relations (11,12)

The fourth are based on the identification of the central problems characteristic of a particular theory, highlighting the main and turning points in the development of science (13)

Finally, the fifth are based on complex criteria. Thus, the Canadian scientist Bagat Korani builds a typology of theories of international relations on the basis of the methods they use ("classical" and "modernist") and the conceptual vision of the world ("liberal-pluralistic" and "materialistic

Examples of different classifications of modern theories of international relations could be continued. It should not be forgotten that it is important, however, to note at least three essential circumstances. First of all, any of these classifications is conditional and is not able to exhaust the variety of theoretical views and methodological approaches to the analysis of international relations1. Secondly, this diversity does not mean that modern theories have managed to overcome their "blood relationship" with the three main paradigms discussed above. Finally, thirdly, contrary to the still encountered and today the opposite opinion, there is every reason to talk about the outlined synthesis, mutual enrichment, mutual "compromise" between previously irreconcilable directions.

Based on the foregoing, we will confine ourselves to a brief examination of such directions (and their varieties) as political idealism, political realism, modernism, transnationalism and neo-Marxism.

“However, they do not set themselves such a goal. Their goal is different - to comprehend the state and theoretical level achieved by the science of international relations, by summarizing the existing conceptual approaches and comparing them with what was done earlier.

The legacy of Thuqidwda, Machiavelli, Hobbes, de -In the first wars, discussions between realists and idealists. | Idealism in the modern science of international relations has closer ideological and theoretical origins, in the capacity of which are utopian socialism, liberalism and pacifism of the 19th century. conflicts between states through legal regulation and democratization of international relations, spreading the norms of morality and justice. regulation, increasing the number and role of international organizations that contribute to the expansion of mutually beneficial cooperation and exchange.It is important to note that one of its priority topics is ϶ᴛᴏ the creation of a collective security system based on voluntary disarmament and mutual renunciation of war of international politics. In political practice, idealism found its embodiment in the program for the creation of the League of Nations developed after the First World War by American President Woodrow Wilson (17), in the Briand-Kellogg Pact (1928), which provides for the refusal to use force in interstate relations, as well as in the Stimeson doctrine (1932), why the US refuses diplomatic recognition of any change if it is achieved by force. In the postwar years, the idealistic tradition found a certain embodiment in the activities of such American politicians as Secretary of State John F. Dulles and Secretary of State Zbigniew Brzezinski (representing, however, not only the political, but also the academic elite of this country), President Jimmy Carter (1976-1980) and President George W. Bush (1988-1992) In the scientific literature, she was represented, in particular, by the book of such American authors as R. Clarke and L.B. Dream "Achievement of the world through world law". The book proposes a step-by-step project

"Sometimes the ϶ᴛᴏ direction is qualified as utopianism (see, for example: Carr E. N. The Twenty Years of Crisis, 1919-1939. London. 1956.

disarmament and the creation of a system of collective security for the whole world for the period 1960-1980.
It should be noted that the main instrument for overcoming wars and achieving eternal peace between peoples should be a world government led by the UN and acting on the basis of a detailed world constitution (18) Similar ideas are expressed in a number of works by European authors (19) The idea of ​​a world government was expressed in the papal encyclicals: John XXIII - "Pacem in terns" or 16.04.63, Paul VI - "Populorum progressio" from 26.03.67, as well as John Paul II - from 2.12.80, who today stands for the creation of "political power, endowed universal competence ".

Thus, the idealistic paradigm that accompanied the history of international relations for centuries retains a certain influence on the minds today. Moreover, it can be said that in recent years its influence on certain aspects of theoretical analysis and forecasting in the field of international relations has even increased, becoming the basis for practical steps taken by the world community to democratize and humanize these relations, as well as attempts to form a new, deliberately regulated world an order that meets the common interests of all mankind.

With all this, it should be noted that idealism for a long time (and in some respect - to this day1) was considered to have lost all influence and, in any case, hopelessly lagging behind the requirements of modernity. Indeed, the normative approach underlying it was deeply undermined by the growing tension in Europe in the 1930s, the aggressive policy of fascism and the collapse of the League of Nations, and the unleashing of the world conflict of 1939-1945. and the Cold War in subsequent years. The result was the revival on American soil of the European classical tradition with its inherent advancement in the analysis of international relations of such concepts as "strength" and "balance of power", "national interest" and "conflict".

It is worth saying that political realism not only subjected idealism to crushing criticism, but also pointed out, in particular, the fact that the idealistic illusions of statesmen of that time

"In the majority of textbooks on international relations published in the West, idealism as an independent theoretical direction is either not considered, or serves as nothing more than a" critical background "in the analysis of political realism and other theoretical directions.

me to a large extent contributed to the outbreak of the Second World War - but also proposed a fairly coherent theory. Its most famous representatives - Reinhold Niebuhr, Frederic Schumann, George Kennan, George Schwarzenberger, Kenneth Thompson, Henry Kissinger, Edward Carr, Arnold Wal-phers and others - have long defined the path of the science of international relations. Hans Morgenthau and Raymond Aron became the undisputed leaders of this direction.

1 The work of G. Morgenthau "It is worth saying - political relations between nations.] Mi. Struggle for power", the first edition of which was published in | 48, has become a kind of "bible" for many generations (D || both in the United States itself and in other countries "" JSffaaa. From the position of G. Morgenthau, international relations are an arena of acute confrontation between states. the power of others. In this case, the term "power" is understood in the broadest sense: as the military and economic power of the state, a guarantee of its greatest security and prosperity, glory and prestige, the possibility of spreading its ideological attitudes and spiritual values. the state provides itself with power, and at the same time there are two complementary aspects of its foreign policy - military strategy and diplomacy. The first of them is interpreted in the spirit of Clausewitz: how continuation of politics by violent means. Diplomacy, on the other hand, is a peaceful struggle for power. Let us note the fact that in the modern era, says G. Morgenthau, states express their need for power in terms of "national interest". The result of the desire of each of the states to maximize the satisfaction of their national interests will be the establishment in the world arena of a certain equilibrium (balance) of power (force), which will be the only realistic way to ensure and maintain peace. Actually, the state of the world is ϶ᴛᴏ and there is a state of balance of power between states.

According to Morgenthau, there are two factors that are capable of keeping states' aspirations for power within some framework - ϶ᴛᴏ international law and morality. At the same time, trusting them too much in an effort to ensure peace between states would mean falling into the unforgivable illusions of the idealistic school. The problem of war and peace has no chance of being solved with the help of collective security mechanisms or

by the UN. Projects for the harmonization of national interests by creating a world community or a world state are also utopian. The only way to hopefully avoid a world nuclear war is to renew diplomacy.

In his concept, G. Morgenthau proceeds from the six principles of political realism, which he substantiates already at the very beginning of the first book (20) In a short summary, they look as follows.

1. It is worth saying that politics, like society as a whole, is governed by objective laws, the roots of which are in the eternal and unchanging human nature. Therefore, there is the possibility of creating a rational theory that is able to reflect these laws - albeit only relatively and partially. It is this theory that makes it possible to separate objective truth in international polygon from subjective judgments about it.

2. The main indicator of political realism is "the concept of interest expressed in terms of power." It is worth noting that it provides a connection between the mind, which seeks to understand international polygon, and the facts to be learned. It is worth noting that it allows us to understand politics as an independent sphere of human life, which is not inappropriate to the data, aesthetic, economic or religious spheres. Note that this concept allows us to avoid two mistakes. First of all, judgments about the interest of a politician based on motives, and not on the basis of his behavior. And, secondly, deriving the interest of a politician from his ideological or moral preferences, and not from his "official duties."

It is worth saying that political realism includes not only a theoretical, but also a normative element: it insists on the need for rational politics. Rational polygon - ϶ᴛᴏ the right policy, as it minimizes risks and maximizes benefits. At the same time, the rationality of politics also depends on its moral and practical goals.

3. The content of the concept "interest expressed in terms of power" will not be unchanged. It is important to understand that it depends on the political and cultural context in which the international policy of the state is being formed. This also applies to the concepts of "power" and "political equilibrium", as well as to such an initial concept designating the main actor in international politics as "state-nation".

It is worth saying that political realism differs from all other theoretical schools primarily in the fundamental question of how to change

modern world. He is convinced that such a change can be carried out only through the skillful use of objective laws that have operated in the past and will operate in the future, and not by subordinating political reality to some abstract ideal, which refuses to recognize such laws.

4. It is worth saying that political realism recognizes the moral significance of political action. But at the same time he is aware of the existence of an inevitable contradiction between the moral imperative and the requirements of successful political action. The main moral requirements cannot be applied to the activities of the state as abstract and universal norms. It is worth noting that they must be considered in the specific circumstances of place and time. The state cannot say: "Let the world perish, but justice must prevail!" It is worth noting that it cannot afford to commit suicide. Therefore, the highest moral virtue in international politics is moderation and caution.

5. It is worth saying that political realism refuses to equate the moral aspirations of any nation with universal moral norms. It is important to note that it is one thing to know that nations obey the moral law in their politics, and quite another to claim knowledge of what is good and what is bad in international relations.

6. Note that the theory of political realism is based on a pluralistic concept of human nature. A real person is both an "economic person" and a "moral person" and a "religious person", etc. Only a "political person" is like an animal, since he has no "moral brakes". Only a "moral man" is a fool, because he is devoid of caution. Only

* PeJEDi ^^ fe ^ thL man "> can be exceptionally saint, because he has ^ th ^ Ynv ^^ desires.

Political realism defends the relative autonomy of these aspects and insists that the knowledge of each of them requires abstraction from others and occurs in its own terms.

As we will see from the subsequent presentation, not all of the above principles, formulated by the founder of the theory of political realism, G. Morgenthau, are unconditionally shared by other adherents - and, moreover, opponents - of this trend. With all this, his conceptual harmony, the desire to rely on the objective laws of social development, the desire for an impartial and rigorous analysis

lisa of international reality, which differs from abstract ideals and based on them fruitless and dangerous illusions - all contributed to the expansion of the influence and authority of political realism both in the academic environment and in the circles of statesmen in various countries.

At the same time, political realism did not become the undividedly dominant paradigm in the science of international relations. From the very beginning, its serious shortcomings prevented its transformation into the central link, the cementing beginning of a unified theory.

The fact is that, proceeding from the understanding of international relations as a "natural state" of power confrontation for the possession of power, political realism, in essence, admits these relations to interstate relations, which significantly impoverishes their understanding. Moreover, the domestic and foreign policies of the state, as interpreted by political realists, look like they are not connected with each other, and the states themselves look like some kind of interchangeable mechanical bodies, with an identical response to external influences. The only difference is that some states will be strong, while others will be weak. No wonder one of the influential adherents of political realism A. Wolfers built a picture of international relations, comparing the interaction of states in the world arena with the collision of balls on the billiard table (21) reality, etc. - significantly impoverishes the analysis of international relations, reduces the degree of its reliability. This is all the more true since the content of such key concepts for the theory of political realism as "strength" and "national interest" remains rather vague in it, giving rise to discussions and ambiguous interpretation. Finally, in its striving to rely on the eternal and unchanging objective laws of international interaction, political realism has become, in fact, a hostage of its own approach. He did not take into account the very important tendencies and the changes that have already taken place, which increasingly determine the nature of modern international relations from those that dominated the international arena until the beginning of the 20th century. It is important to note that at the same time one more circumstance was missed: the fact that these changes require the use, along with traditional, and new methods and means of scientific analysis of international relations. Everything ϶ᴛᴏ caused criticism to hell-

rhe political realism on the part of adherents of other approaches, and, first of all, on the part of representatives of the so-called modernist direction and diverse theories of interdependence and integration. It would not be an exaggeration to say that this controversy, which actually accompanied the theory of political realism from its first steps, contributed to the growing awareness of the need to complement the political analysis of international realities with a sociological one.

Representatives of modernism *, or "scientific" direction in the analysis of international relations, most often without touching upon the initial postulates of political realism, sharply criticized its adherence to traditional methods based mainly on intuition and theoretical interpretation. It is worth saying that the polemic between "modernists" and "traditionalists" reaches a special intensity since the 60s, having received the name "new big dispute" in scientific literature (see, for example: 12 and 22). the desire of a number of researchers of the new generation (Quincy Wright, Morton Kaplan, Karl Deutsch, David Singer, Kalevi Holsti, Ernst Haas and many others) to overcome the shortcomings of the classical approach and give the study of international relations a truly scientific status. Hence the increased attention to the use of mathematical tools, formalization, to modeling, data collection and processing, to empirical verification of results, as well as other research procedures borrowed from exact disciplines and opposed to traditional methods based on the intuition of the researcher, judgments by analogy, etc. ... This approach, which emerged in the United States, touched upon the study of not only international relations, but also other spheres of social reality, being an expression of the penetration into the social sciences of a broader trend of positivism that arose on European soil back in the 19th century.

Indeed, even Sei-Simon and O. Comte made an attempt to apply rigorous scientific methods to the study of social phenomena. The presence of a solid empirical tradition, methods already tested in such disciplines as sociology or psychology, a technical base that gives researchers new means of analysis, prompted American scientists, starting with K. Wright, to strive to use all this baggage in the study of international relations. Such a desire was accompanied by the rejection of a priori judgments regarding the influence of certain factors on the nature of inter-

international relations, the denial of both any "metaphysical prejudices" and conclusions based, like Marxism, on deterministic hypotheses. At the same time, as M. Merle emphasizes (see: 16, pp. 91-92), such an approach does not mean that one can do without a global explanatory hypothesis. The study of natural phenomena has developed two opposite models, between which specialists in the field of social sciences also hesitate.
From one point of view, ϶ᴛᴏ the doctrine of Charles Darwin about the ruthless struggle of species and the law of natural selection and its Marxist interpretation. On the other hand, the organic philosophy of H. Spencer, which is based on the concept of constancy and stability of biological and social phenomena. Positivism in the United States followed the second path - the path of assimilating society to a living organism, whose life is based on the differentiation and coordination of its various functions. From the point of view, the study of international relations, like any other type of social relations, should begin with an analysis of the functions performed by their participants, with the transition then to the study of interactions between their carriers and, finally, to the problems associated with the adaptation of the social organism. to my environment. In the legacy of organicism, according to M. Merle, two trends can be distinguished. It is important to note that one of them focuses on the study of the behavior of the characters, the other - the articulation of various types of such behavior. Accordingly, the first gave rise to behaviorism, and the second - to functionalism and a systems approach in the science of international relations (see: ibid., P. 93)

Being a reaction to the shortcomings of the traditional methods of studying international relations used in the theory of political realism, modernism did not become any homogeneous trend - neither in theoretical nor in methodological terms. What he will have in common will be mainly a commitment to an interdisciplinary approach, a commitment to the application of rigorous scientific methods and procedures, to an increase in the number of verifiable empirical data. Its shortcomings lie in the actual denial of the specifics of international relations, the fragmentation of specific research objects, which leads to the actual absence of a holistic picture of international relations, in the inability to avoid subjectivity. Note that, nevertheless, many studies of adherents of the modernist direction turned out to be very fruitful, enriching science not only with new methods, but also very significant

our conclusions drawn on their basis. Do not forget that it is important to note the fact that they opened up the prospect of a microsociological paradigm in the study of international relations.

If the controversy between the adherents of modernism and political realism concerned mainly the methods of studying international relations, then the representatives of transnationalism (Robert O. Coohane, Joseph Nye), theories of integration (David Mitrani) and interdependence (Ernst Haas, David Moors) criticized the very conceptual foundations of the classical school. The role of the state as a participant in international relations, the importance of national interest and power for understanding the essence of what is happening on the world stage, turned out to be at the center of a new "big dispute" that erupted in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Supporters of various theoretical currents, who can be conventionally called "transnationalists", put forward a general idea according to which political realism and the statist paradigm that is natural to it do not correspond to the nature and main trends of international relations and therefore should be discarded. International relations go far beyond the framework of interstate interactions based on national interests and military confrontation. The state, as an international actor, loses its monopoly. In addition to states, individuals, enterprises, organizations, and other non-state associations take part in international relations. The variety of participants, types (cultural and scientific cooperation, economic exchanges, etc.) and "channels" (partnerships between universities, religious organizations, communities and associations, etc.) interaction between them, push the state out of the center of international communication , contribute to the transformation of such communication from "international" (ie interstate, if we recall the givenological meaning of the term) into "transnational * (ie, carried out in addition to and without the participation of states)" Rejection of the prevailing intergovernmental approach and the desire to go beyond interstate interactions led us to think in terms of transnational relations ", - American scientists J. Nye and R. Koohei write in the preface to the first book" Transnational Relations and World Politics ".

Revolutionary changes in the technology of communications and transport, transformation of the situation in world markets, an increase in the number of

and the importance of transnational corporations has stimulated the emergence of new trends in the world arena. The predominant among them are: the outstripping growth of world trade in comparison with world production, the penetration of the processes of modernization, urbanization and the development of means of communication in developing countries, the strengthening of the international role of small states and private entities, and finally, the reduction in the ability of great powers to control the state of the environment. The generalizing consequence and expression of all these processes will be an increase in the interdependence of the world and a relative decrease in the role of force in international relations (23). Supporters of transnationalism1 are often inclined to consider the sphere of transnational relations as a kind of international society, the analysis of which is applicable the same methods that allow us to understand and explain the processes occurring in any social organism. Based on all of the above, we come to the conclusion that, in essence, we are talking about a macrosociological paradigm in the approach to the study of international relations.

Transnationalism contributed to the awareness of a number of new phenomena in international relations, therefore, many provisions of its current continue to develop by its supporters in the 90s. (24) At the same time, he was imprinted by his undoubted ideological kinship with classical idealism with its inherent tendencies to overestimate the real significance of the observed trends in changing the nature of international relations. A certain similarity of the provisions put forward by transnationalism with a number of provisions defended by the neo-Marxist trend in the science of international relations will also be noticeable.

Representatives of neo-Marxism (It is worth saying - Paul Baran, It is worth saying - Paul Sweezy, Samir Amin, Arjiri Immanuel, Immanuel Do not forget that Wallerstein, etc.) - a trend as heterogeneous as transnationalism, is also united by the idea of ​​the integrity of the world community and a certain utopianism in assessing his future. At the same time, the starting point and the basis of their conceptual constructions is the idea of ​​the asymmetry of the interdependence of modern

"Among them can be named not only many scientists in the United States, Europe and other regions of the world, but also famous political figures - for example, such as the former French President V. Giscard d'Estaing, influential nongovernmental political organizations and research centers - for example. Palme Commission, Brandt Commission, Club of Rome, etc.

world and, moreover, about the real dependence of economically underdeveloped countries on industrial states, about the exploitation and robbery of the former by the latter. Based on some theses of classical Marxism, neo-Marxists represent the space of international relations in the form of a global empire, the periphery of which remains under the yoke of the center even after the colonial countries had previously gained political independence. This will awaken in the inequality of economic exchanges and uneven development (25)

For example, the "center", within the framework of which about 80% of all world economic transactions are carried out, depends in its development on the raw materials and resources of the "periphery". At the same time, the countries of the periphery will be consumers of industrial and other products produced outside of them. Let us note that thereby they become dependent on the center, becoming victims of unequal economic exchange, fluctuations in world prices for raw materials and economic assistance from developed countries. Therefore, ultimately, "economic growth based on integration into the world market is underdeveloped development (tm)" (26)

In the seventies, this approach to the consideration of international relations became the basis for the Third World countries of the idea of ​​the need to establish a new world economic order. Under pressure from these countries, which make up the majority of the member states of the United Nations, the UN General Assembly in April 1974 adopted the Declaration and Program of Action, and in December of the same year - the Charter on Economic Rights and Duties of States.

Thus, each of the considered theoretical currents has both strengths and weaknesses, each demonstrates certain aspects of reality and finds one or another manifestation in the practice of international relations. It is worth saying that the polemic between them contributed to their mutual enrichment, and, consequently, the enrichment of the science of international relations in general. With all this, it cannot be denied that this controversy did not convince the scientific community of the superiority of any one over the rest, nor did it lead to their synthesis. Both of these conclusions can be illustrated by the example of the concept of neorealism.

This term itself demonstrates the desire of a number of American scientists (Kenneth Waltz, Robert Gilpin, Joseph Greyko, etc.) to preserve the advantages of the classical tradition and at the same time

it is only about enriching it, taking into account the new international realities and the achievements of other theoretical trends. It is significant that one of the longest-standing supporters of transnationalism, Koohein, in the 80s. comes to the conclusion that the central concepts of political realism "strength", "national interest", rational behavior, etc., remain an important means and condition for a fruitful analysis of international relations. (27) On the other hand, K. Waltz speaks of the need to enrich the realistic approach due to the scientific rigor of the data and the empirical verifiability of the conclusions, the need for which has traditionally been rejected by the supporters of the traditional view.

The emergence of the school of neorealism in international relations is associated with the publication of K. Waltz's book "Note that the theory of international politics", the first edition of which was published in 1979 (28) actors, national interest as their main motive, the desire to possess power), its author at the same time criticizes their predecessors for failing to create a theory of international politics as an autonomous discipline. He criticizes Hans Morgenthau for identifying foreign policy with international politics, and Raymond Aron for his skepticism about the possibility of creating international relations as an independent theory.

Insisting that any theory of international relations should be based not on particulars, but on the integrity of the world, to take the existence of a global system, and not states, which will be its elements, as a starting point, Waltz takes a certain step towards rapprochement with transnationalists.

At the same time, the systemic nature of international relations is due, in the opinion of K. Waltz, that actors do not interact here, their main features are not inherent in them (associated with geographic location, demographic potential, socio-cultural specifics, etc.), but the properties of the structure of the international system ... (For this reason, neorealism is often qualified as structural realism or simply structuralism.) As a consequence of the interactions of international actors, the structure of the international system, at the same time, does not seek a simple sum of such interactions, but represents

is an independent phenomenon that can impose certain restrictions on states, or, on the contrary, offer them favorable opportunities on the world stage.

It should be emphasized that, according to neo-realism, the structural properties of the international system do not actually depend on any efforts of small and medium-sized states, being the result of interactions between the great powers. This means that it is to them that the "natural state" of international relations is. As for the interactions between the great powers and other states, they can no longer be characterized as anarchic, as they acquire other forms, which most often depend on the will of the great powers.

It is important to note that one of the followers of structuralism, Barry Bazan, developed its main provisions in relation to regional systems, which he considers as intermediate between the global international and state systems (29) security. The point is that neighboring states are so closely linked to each other in security issues that the national security of one of them cannot be separated from the national security of others.
It should be noted that the structure of any regional subsystem is based on two factors, which are considered in detail by the author:

the distribution of opportunities among the existing actors and the relationship of friendliness or hostility between them. With ϶ᴛᴏm, both the one and the other, B. Bazan shows, is subject to manipulation by the great powers.

Using the methodology proposed in this way, the Danish researcher M. Mozaffari used it as the basis for the analysis of structural changes that took place in the Persian Gulf as a result of the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait and the subsequent defeat of Iraq by allied (and essentially American) troops. (30) As a result, he came to the conclusion about the operationality of structuralism, about its advantages over other theoretical directions. With all this, Mozaffari also shows the weaknesses inherent in neo-realism, among which he names the provisions on the eternity and immutability of such characteristics of the international system as its "natural state", the balance of forces, as a method of stabilization, its inherent static (see: ibid, p . 81)

due to its own advantages than the heterogeneity and weakness of any other theory. And the desire to preserve the maximum continuity with the classical school means that the lot of neorealism remains the majority of its natural shortcomings (see: 14, p. 300, 302). The French authors M.-K. Smui and B. Badi, according to some theories of international relations, remaining in captivity of the West-centric approach, were unable to reflect the radical changes taking place in the world system, as well as "predict neither accelerated decolonization in the post-war period, nor the outbreak of religious fundamentalism, nor the end of the Cold War , nor the collapse of the Soviet empire. In short, nothing that relates to a sinful social reality "(31)

Dissatisfaction with the state and possibilities of the science of international relations has become one of the main incentives for the creation and improvement of a relatively autonomous discipline - the sociology of international relations. The most consistent efforts in this direction have been made by French scientists.