The name of Medvedev's yacht is in honor of his wife. FBK published an investigation into the elite real estate of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev

The Delovoy Peterburg newspaper reports that a 32-meter yacht "Fotinia" worth 430 million rubles has moored in the St. Petersburg yacht club, which journalists consider the yacht of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev

The yacht "Fotinia" numbered 49-4417, which, according to the publication, belongs to Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, anchored in the St. Petersburg river yacht club of trade unions.

Related materials

According to Marinetraffic's open map of vessel movements, the 32-meter yacht "Fotinia" arrived at the yacht club on April 28.

As the journalists of the publication found out, "the prime minister rarely visits the yacht club - a couple of times a season." During the visit, the club is closed, it is filled by FSO employees, and club workers who repair ships are not recommended to leave the shipyards. The interlocutor of the publication noted that Medvedev likes to go to the Sails restaurant located at the pier.

The Photinia, as Delovoy Peterburg found out, is moored either in the river yacht club or in one of the clubs in Shlisselburg.

With an elegant silhouette and full-length panoramic windows, the Princess 32M yacht, Photinia, was assembled in the UK. Up to 10 guests can be accommodated on board, not counting the attendants. The lower deck is equipped with three to four cabins. In order not to disturb guests with engine noise, soundproofing is provided on board. Estimated price of the vessel is over 430 million rubles.

Fotinia is owned by Investment Commonwealth LLC, which, according to the publication, belongs to Medvedev's confidant, Ilya Eliseev. Another yacht is also registered to the same legal entity - Princess 85MY with a market price of about 168 million rubles, which is also called Fotinia. Both yachts moored at the Milovka estate in Plyos. The newspaper believes that both yachts are named after Medvedev's wife, Svetlana. Photinia is the ecclesiastical version of her name.

On March 3, the media published an investigation into Medvedev's residences and related foundations, which allegedly received 70 billion rubles in donations. The head of government owns "huge tracts of land in the most elite areas, manages yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad," the investigation said.

“They take all sorts of different dregs there, they collect all sorts of nonsense about me, if it concerns me, about my acquaintances and about people whom I have never heard of at all. About some places I've been. Some places I've never heard of either. They collect some papers, photographs, clothes there. Then they create such a product and present it,” Medvedev said during a meeting with the workers of the Tambov Bacon plant.

On March 24, deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation proposed to instruct the Duma Security Committee to request information from the security forces and registration authorities and organize an investigation into the alleged illegal activities of charitable foundations and individuals mentioned in the film “He is not Dimon to you”. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation proposed to bring to justice the persons involved in the film, or persons involved in the publication of materials, if they are found to be unreliable.

On April 4, Dmitry Medvedev, a month later, commented on the investigation himself. He called the materials of the investigation "nonsense" and "compote".

The Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) of opposition politician Alexei Navalny has published its most extensive investigation yet. The main character of the revealing publication was the closest associate of the President of the country, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. In the material "He is not Dimon to you" We are talking about luxury real estate, land plots, yachts, agricultural complexes and wineries that FBK employees found with a high-ranking politician.

This investigation resulted in an almost 50-minute film about Medvedev's wealth, acquired, according to the fund, on "donations" from oligarchs and loans from state banks. The video was posted on Navalny's channel on YouTube. The text version is available in Russian and English.

As Navalny points out in his blog, the fund's employees uncovered a sophisticated, ramified corruption scheme through which Medvedev enriches himself. The authors of the investigation found out that there is a network of charitable and non-profit foundations organized by Medvedev's proxies and relatives, "donations" for them come from oligarchs and state banks, and Medvedev and his family are the recipients of assistance. These funds are allegedly used to purchase real estate and other property, not only in Russia, but also abroad.

FBK recalls that according to such a scheme, Medvedev owns, an investigation about which the fund published back in September last year. Then it was reported that the object was guarded by the FSO and there was a no-fly zone above it.

In total, according to the FBK, at least 70 billion rubles in money and property were transferred to Medvedev's funds, and with these funds, in particular, the prime minister's estate and agro-complex in Mansurovo, the Psekhako mountain residence in Sochi, vineyards in Anapa and Tuscany (Italy), the Milovka estate in Pleso, Ivanovo region, were built and maintained.

According to the FBK, one of the objects at the disposal of Medvedev is residence on Rublyovka worth about five billion rubles. Formally, the property belongs to the Fund for the Support of Socially Significant State Projects ("Sotsgosproekt"). The residence (both the land and the mansion) was donated to the foundation by one of the richest people in Russia, businessman Alisher Usmanov with a fortune of $12.5 billion, the FBK found out.

The Anti-Corruption Foundation calls such a donation by Usmanov a bribe, saying that an extract from Rosreestr testifies that the billionaire donated the residence.

The chairman of the supervisory board of the Sotsgosproekt fund is Medvedev's classmate, Gazprombank vice-president Ilya Eliseev, who heads the Dar fund, which owned the Milovka estate in Plyos.

At the same time, the Gradislava fund, to which Milovka was donated, was founded by Leonid Rubtsov, writes FBK, noting that he also turned out to be a director in the Green Yard company, which belongs to Sotsgosproekt. And the director of the Sotsgosproekt fund is another classmate of Medvedev, Aleksey Chetvertkov. The founder of Sotsgosproekt is Vitaly Golovachev, who heads the management company of the Dar fund.

The luxurious estate, owned by the foundation, includes a huge house of 3000 sq. m, a guest house with an area of ​​750 sq. m, a bathhouse and other buildings. All this is located on 4.3 hectares in the village of Znamenskoye, Odintsovo district.

In addition, according to FBK, Medvedev has a number of properties in the Kursk region. We are talking about homestead in the village of Mansurovo, where the prime minister's grandfather and father come from, with an area of ​​​​about 240 thousand square meters. m. The estate includes the main house, a guest house, two helipads, a decorative pond and a sports court. The Anti-Corruption Foundation also published a bird's-eye view of the luxurious residence, located in a virtual open field.

The residence is registered as the property of the Mansurovo agricultural complex. The chairman of the board of directors of this company is Medvedev's classmate Ilya Eliseev.

Agrocomplex "Mansurovo" is a huge enterprise occupying 27 thousand hectares, has 3170 heads of cattle, a pig farm for 55 thousand pigs and a stud farm. The director of the enterprise turned out to be Natalya Kharitonova, a graduate of the law faculty of Leningrad State University, a student of Eliseev. One of the members of the board of directors is Andrei Medvedev, who is allegedly a cousin of the Russian prime minister.

Andrei Medvedev is the director and owner of a small stake in Seim-Agro (growing tomatoes, cucumbers and roses). The main founder of this company is ZAO Kurskproteplitsa, whose board of directors is headed by the same classmate of Medvedev, Ilya Eliseev. And the sole owner of Kurspromteplitsa is the Sotsgosproekt fund, to which Usmanov presented the Rublev residence.

According to FBK, the Sotsgosproekt fund owns a stake in the Rocky Coast company, which owns vineyards in Anapa. The board of directors of "Rocky Coast" is headed by Eliseev. One of the directors of this company was Andrei Zhmenya, who later became the director of the Gradislava fund, to which the Milovka estate in Plyos was registered.

The current head of Rocky Coast is Andrey Skok, one of the key asset managers of the Minister of Agriculture of the Russian Federation Alexander Tkachev, and Medvedev and Tkachev together lobby for preferences for the wine business, where they both have an interest, FBK notes.

At the same time, the largest share in the Kursk possessions and Anapa vineyards belongs to Tehinpro Company CJSC. The firm's director is Vladimir Dyachenko, whose name was mentioned in Medvedev's hacked email in 2014, according to the released documents. It also says that Medvedev ordered personal items via the Internet in the name of Dyachenko and the address of ZAO Tehinpro Company. Moreover, FBK employees managed to understand that the mail belongs to the prime minister by comparing the shopping list preserved in the mail and sneakers with shirts that appeared on Medvedev.

In addition, Dyachenko heads ZAO PromTechInvest, which manages the estate on Rublyovka, donated to a fund associated with Medvedev.

The fourth fund allegedly associated with Medvedev (in addition to "Dar", "Gradislava" and "Sotsgosproekt") is the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund. Its supervisory board is headed by a classmate of the prime minister, Ilya Eliseev. Nominally, the fund is owned through the Meritage Management Company by Vitaly Golovachev, an employee of the Dar fund, in whose ownership the Sotsgosproekt fund is registered.

In 2014, the "Reception House for official guests" was donated to the foundation "Psekhako" - a luxurious winter residence in the mountains. Psekhako is a mountain range in the vicinity of Krasnaya Polyana. Judging by the photos from Instagram, Medvedev visits there regularly. And judging by the data from the mail, to which FBK refers, the prime minister personally distributes instructions on the management, hiring of personnel and procurement for this facility.

Also, FBK uncovered another corruption episode related to the prime minister. In 2011, when Medvedev was still head of state, the Presidential Administration sold plot of land of 20 hectares near the village of Maslovo on the Rublevo-Uspenskoe highway of the Garant Club company for a pittance - 200 times cheaper than the market value. On the territory of the land plot there is a huge house, something similar to a sports complex, outbuildings and a heliport.

"Garant Club" is a subsidiary of the financial consulting firm of the "Dar" fund, the same "FinConsultingK" (FKK), which provided the Mansurovo agricultural complex with a mortgage on the land under the estate.

Previously, FKK was wholly owned by the "Dar" fund, and then was re-registered as the property of the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund (to which the winter residence in Psekhako was donated). The director and founder of the "Garant Club" at the time of the transaction turned out to be another classmate of Medvedev, Alexei Dolgushevsky, according to Navalny's website.

In addition, FBK claims to have uncovered two criminal schemes for obtaining valuable assets in the Krasnodar Territory. Allegedly associated with Medvedev people took possession plot of land in Utrish And boarding house in Olginka, and in both cases, fake competition in competitions was provided by firms controlled by the director of Sotsgosproekt Alexei Chetvertkov.

In 2009, the Zertum-Invest firm, founded by a student of Medvedev's classmate, Philip Polyansky, acquired a luxurious mansion of Count Kushelev-Bezborodko of the 18th century in the center of St. Petersburg. Then the "Dar" fund (which owned the "Milovka" estate in Plyos) became the owner of the building. Polyansky headed the "Dar" fund for several years. Currently, the mansion has turned into an elite building with 29 apartments with swimming pools, indoor spas, garages, security guards, car lifts.

Six of these apartments worth a billion rubles are owned by the "Dar" fund. 23 were owned by Zertum-Invest. The commercial premises on the first floor of the mansion are occupied by the FKK company, which is owned by the Winter Olympic Sports Support Fund and has given the Mansurovo agricultural complex land on a mortgage.

FBK also found out that the Cypriot offshore Furcina Limited, owned by Medvedev's classmate Ilya Eliseev, owns two sea yachts total cost of 16 million dollars. Employees of the anti-corruption fund found photos of expensive boats moored near the Milovka estate in Plyos, which Medvedev uses as his residence. Both yachts are named "Photinia", which is the church analogue of the name Svetlana (that's the name of Medvedev's wife). FBK analyzed cases of using a more expensive yacht and it turned out that they are all associated with Medvedev.

According to FBK, in 2012, the same offshore company that registered Dmitry Medvedev's yacht bought 100% of the Italian company FATTORIA DELLA AIOLA S.r.l., which owns and manages its own vineyards and wine production in Tuscany. For $10 million, an offshore company associated with the prime minister of the Russian Federation acquired 100 hectares of vineyards and olive groves, wine production and even an old villa. After the purchase, Sergei Stupnitsky, who previously worked as the director of another winery associated with Medvedev, the Anapa Rocky Coast, became the manager of the winery.

He is not Dimon

It was a huge job, and at first we were not at all sure that it was possible to do it with our forces. But we did. We found and filmed (!!!) all the residences in Russia and abroad, found the damn elusive yachts and scrupulously determined by geotags, photos from Instagram and archival records where and who sailed on them. We hid from the FSO guarding the facilities. We spent hundreds of man-hours analyzing social networks and looking for the right photos. We shoveled the documentation of offshore companies. We looked at domain names. We looked through literally every photo of the main character for the year to find the right sneakers and shirts (this is where it all started). We went to Tuscany to shoot vineyards, and to the Kursk region - cows.

Damn, we even bought the rights to the Combination song to make it more fun for you to watch this movie.

Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev is not at all such a harmless and comical character as he seems to be. Let it not deceive you sleep in meetings , badminton, or fascination with gadgets.

This is a very cunning and greedy man, obviously a little obsessed with residences and luxury real estate, and for the sake of owning them, he created one of the largest corruption schemes in the country. And, we must pay tribute to him, one of the most sophisticated.

We found, described and documented the existence of a network of charitable and non-profit foundations organized by Medvedev's proxies and relatives. The word "charitable" should not confuse: the recipients of "aid" here are only Medvedev and his family.

They use the funds to solicit "donations" (read: bribes) from oligarchs and state-controlled banks and use the funds to buy palaces, yachts and vineyards in Russia and abroad.

And yes, it's very clever. Who owns, for example, Medvedev's secret dacha in Plyos, about which we did a big investigation? Formally, no one. A charitable organization - the Gradislav Foundation, which means that there are not even individuals - the ultimate owners, because the property of a non-profit organization ultimately belongs only to it, and not even to its founders.

In fact, everyone understands that the dacha belongs to Medvedev. It is guarded by the FSO. The service department is located there. There is even an official no-fly zone above the Plyos dacha.

That is, the corruption scheme is based on the creation of a charitable organization with a reliable person (classmate, relative) at the head. After that, you can safely pump up the organization with money and buy yacht palaces on them, without fear that someone will poke a piece of paper in the face, where your name is in the “owner” column.

Only here there is one problem: there cannot be many reliable people. If there are a small number of people involved in the organization, financing and management of a bunch of charitable foundations, the main feature of which is the ownership of the property of Prime Minister Medvedev, then everything becomes clear: this is corruption.

Starting with these fun-colored sneakers,

we have identified and documented the entire corrupt empire of Dmitry Medvedev, the foundations that make it up, and his closest proxies.

This
- bribes from the oligarchs Usmanov and Mikhelson;
- the money of Gazprombank, which has been seen many times before that it works as a "purse" to cover the expenses of high-ranking officials (see "Vinokur's case" and "Sechin's wife's salary case");
— transfers from other companies (for example, a subsidiary of Bashneft).

With this money built, bought and maintained:

Family estate and agro-complex of Medvedev in Mansurovo:

Mansurovo

Mountain residence "Psekhako" in Sochi:

Vineyards in Anapa and Tuscany:

Milovka, which we showed earlier:

And much more, which we talk about in our investigation. In his video version. And in its detailed text version with all documents.

Here I will briefly talk about only one episode, which is enough to send both Medvedev and Usmanov to the dock.

Do you know how this object worth 5 billion ended up in Medvedev's possession?

Alisher Burkhanovich Usmanov, one of Russia's richest oligarchs with a fortune of $12.5 billion, simply donates land and a mansion to the Medvedev Foundation.

How to call it? That's right: a bribe.

That's what we call it in our crime statement. And in general, all this investigation of ours, both in general and divided into episodes, will be turned into statements about crimes.

Yes, we understand that now the authorities will do everything to prevent any steps that law enforcement agencies are required to take. That is, what happened with the Seagull will be repeated. But, as they say, one must live long in Russia. Sooner or later we will achieve our goal and see all the characters in the dock. And those who will block the investigation now will sit next to them.

However, even this is not the main thing now. You and I understand very well that the Kremlin will devote its main efforts not to working with "law enforcement officers" (otherwise Chaika and Bastrykin themselves do not understand what to do), but to stop the dissemination of information about the investigation .

They are 100% in control of their servants in uniform, but public opinion and the heads of citizens are not so easy to control. Yes, of course, zomboyaschik, all the cases, but nevertheless, by joint efforts, we can easily make a hole in the picture of the world of the average citizen of the Russian Federation.

Let's work together on this. Moreover, there is such an attractive and understandable format, with shooting from the air. It is necessary to ensure that all those 20 million people below the poverty line look at Medvedev's apartments with elevators for cars and angels for fireplaces.

Don't fall into the trap" why should I distribute this link, everyone has already seen it". Not all. It is your link, your comment is missing. It's not enough to just post it on Facebook today. Today. And then tomorrow. And to be sure, in two days.

A couple of emails. SMS to my beloved grandmother. Letter to a classmate with the subject " look at Medvedev's castle in Italy».

By the way, I want to say that visual content of this kind is even better on social networks for older people. Video clip about Medvedev's Milovka on YouTube it has 4.2 million views, and on "classmates" - 7 million. This is despite the fact that we ourselves did not post it on classmates - the people themselves took it away by accounts.

If you don’t want to send it to your grandmother, but if you want to send it to a foreigner you know, no problem - here is a description of the investigation in English.

A separate call to journalists:

First, how much can you be afraid? You can't spend your whole life posting what not scary.

Secondly, it is your traffic, your clicks, your circulations. Nothing people read like corruption investigations with such texture.

Thirdly, this is your chance to make your profession interesting and useful. Each episode of this investigation can and should be supplemented with its own story. Stakeholder comment. Just a trip to the scene. We have covered only the essentials. Who knows, maybe you will stick to something (like we are to sneakers) and find something that will make you the main journalist of the country. Your name will be mentioned at journalism departments, talking about how to do investigations.

In general, dear all, help. Our work is meaningless if millions don't know about it. This is our joint project, and your contribution is no less important.

Well, do not forget that I need your signatures in support of the nomination, the Anti-Corruption Fund exists and does such an investigation only thanks to. Support us if you think we are doing a good job.

They unite and protect each other to build palaces for themselves, and let's work together to take back our country.

Dmitry Medvedev's press secretary, Natalya Timakova, said that an investigation by the Anti-Corruption Foundation, dedicated to the "secret empire" of the prime minister. It has “a pronounced pre-election character. According to her, commenting on these accusations is “nonsensical,” Interfax reports.

By linking together different facts, we eventually came to a whole grandiose corruption empire, where there are vineyards in Anapa, vineyards in Tuscany, a mountain residence, two estates on Rublevka ... It is difficult to describe this investigation in a few words, it is very large, and it simply shows that a person spent 70 billion rubles on entertainment. Georgy Alburov

Director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) Alexei Navalny Roman Rubanov sent a statement to the Investigative Committee of Russia (TFR) on Thursday about initiating a criminal case against Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and businessman Alisher Usmanov under Art. 290 of the Criminal Code (taking a bribe) and Art. 291 of the Criminal Code (bribery). Vedomosti

Mansions, vineyards, yachts: Did Dmitry Medvedev break the law?

The Anti-Corruption Foundation has published a massive investigation into Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. It follows from the material that people associated with Medvedev and charitable foundations own several luxurious residences in Russia and abroad, agricultural land and two yachts. Alexei Navalny calls Medvedev's actions a criminal offense, in an interview with Dozhd he said that the prime minister "could be sent to the dock even tomorrow." Ilya Shumanov, Deputy General Director of Transparency International Russia, explained to Meduza that, from the point of view of the letter of the law, it is difficult to blame Medvedev for anything.

Legal reasoning is the weakest point of the new investigation of the Anti-Corruption Foundation. I don't see anything illegal in what Mr. Medvedev did. The fact is that due to gaps in Russian legislation, it turns out that all the assets listed in the investigation are registered in accordance with the law. That is, if you look precisely from the point of view of the letter of the law, everything is completely legal.

The assets in question belong to non-profit charities. For example, the residence donated by [businessman] Alisher Usmanov is his contribution to NGOs. Such organizations formally do not have owners, they do not imply making a profit and withdrawing assets. Some hired manager disposes of these assets, and it is difficult to establish who the real owner is. I will not evaluate the arguments related to sneakers and hacked mails, because they are outside the legal field and legal expertise.

Dmitry Medvedev himself is not mentioned in the documentation of the charitable organizations involved in the investigation. It mentions people close to the prime minister and, in particular, [his classmate] Ilya Eliseev. One could say that he is the nominal owner of these non-profit foundations, but [in fact] he is a rather self-sufficient figure. Since 2005, Eliseev has been deputy chairman of Gazprombank and is on the board of directors of Gazprom-Media, so he himself could acquire all these assets and use them. It turns out that Medvedev may not be involved in all this.

The form of a non-profit organization is a corruption hole in the Russian legal field. In this case, the legal scheme provides an opportunity for illicit enrichment and avoids liability. I think, commenting on the investigation, Medvedev and Eliseev will point to the legal side, and the ethical side will be behind the scenes.

FBK conducted a good, logical investigation. If the prime minister uses the property of the deputy chairman of the board of Gazprombank, who studied with him on the same course, this creates a situation of conflict of interest. This is a sign of a corruption offense, for which there should be some kind of responsibility. But the conclusions of the investigation do not mention a conflict of interest.

In a European country, this whole situation would be a reason for the resignation of the prime minister and the cabinet, but in Russia this is unlikely.

“We found 80 percent of the schemes in 20 percent of the time spent”Interview with Georgy Alburov, one of the authors of the investigation into the property of Dmitry Medvedev

Georgy Alburov and quadrocopter. Photo: Evgeny Feldman for FBK

- Did this investigation really begin with a pair of sneakers seen on Dmitry Medvedev?

Of course, it started with many things at the same time, but a pair of sneakers is such a very important expressive part, it really helped us a lot. It turned out that the whole corruption scheme can be traced from the purchase of this pair. These sneakers were ordered for one of the closest people to Prime Minister Medvedev. We began to see what else was behind this man - and immediately went to the vineyards, houses, including the estate in the old village of Mansurovo, where Medvedev's ancestors lived. Yes, the shoes helped us a lot.

Was the whole scheme drawn up quickly or was it difficult to find people close to the prime minister and identify them?

We found 80 percent of the schemes in 20 percent of the time spent. With the rest it was more difficult - we went from one legal entity to another, we do not see any connection. Then people from one of our schemes suddenly found themselves connected to companies from a completely different part of the scheme. It began to become more complicated, confusing, but with each new discovery it was clear: all these people we are talking about are directly related to Dmitry Medvedev. There were no particular difficulties with identification: the lists of Medvedev's classmates are publicly available and open. It was more difficult to identify students, but we identified them by the years of graduation.

There was a question on one person, we could not verify it. Someone Vitaly Golovachev. In the late 1990s, he was in the insurance business - he sued on behalf of insurance companies, then disappeared for ten years and suddenly showed up as a top manager at Gazprombank, at Meritage, at the Dar charity fund ( all organizations appear in the FBK investigation - approx. "Jellyfish"). Unfortunately, we were unable to communicate with him.

- From your point of view, all these people strongly concealed their activities?

Most likely, Medvedev had confidence - that he would write down all the property to some non-profit funds that do not pay taxes. He will appoint his classmates there, or their students, in cases where classmates are too pale, and this scheme will work. Yes, she is quite reliable in terms of management: all these people are close to Medvedev, super-trusted persons. But the problem is that the number of such people is very limited. Such a scheme could be identified long ago.

How many people were involved in the investigation?

Six months ago we started… At first there were two people, closer to the final four people were involved in the investigation, and six more people were involved in the website, video, graphics, music and other things. So I will say: the amount of effort that we spent on making all this look good, read and remember, even more than the amount of effort [spent] on collecting facts.

- Tell us about the quadrocopter, shooting from it is a separate important part of the investigation.

The quadcopter is our faithful fighter, it has been with us since last year and helps us a lot. This is the basic model, you can buy it at any hardware store. It shoots well: we learned how to work with it and smooth out some technical difficulties. If you think about it, 20 million people have seen the video that was made with it. It is our indispensable tool and practically a member of the team.

-And the rights to the songs of the "Combination" group - is it the same beautiful detail as with sneakers? Why do you need them?

Not so simple! We at some point realized that we use the song too many times. And I don't want YouTube to ban us for copyright infringement. So we went to the owners of these songs and purchased the rights to use them. Interestingly, the copyright holders were very surprised, no one had ever bought the rights to songs from them, they didn’t even have a contract template. It cost quite a bit of money, about 10 thousand rubles per song. It's worth it not to get banned.

With your investigation, you have convincingly proved that Dmitry Medvedev's inner circle lives well. Do you think you convincingly managed to prove that all these people were buying everything they could in the interests of the prime minister?

Yes, anyone can come to us and ask: what does Medvedev have to do with it at all? Here are his classmates, relatives and friends. But we have collected enough facts for ourselves and for everyone else to answer this question. Look: how many people are there in the world to whom [businessman] Alisher Usmanov gives estates, and even a real palace on Rublyovka? Not so much. Medvedev visited all these facilities and used them. We prove it convincingly.

In Psekhako, using a drone, we photographed the chimneys of a country house in the mountains and compared them with those that Medvedev posts on his Instagram. These are the same pipes. Regarding the yacht - we found the geolocation of this yacht in the last two years. She went four times to Plyos, where Medvedev has a residence, and twice to the Scarlet Sails holiday in St. Petersburg. This is a holiday of graduates, a beautiful event, fireworks. Shipping is closed there at the moment. The only yacht for which an exception is made is the Fotinia yacht, with which Medvedev took his photos and also posted them. All this is iron evidence.

Part of the property you are talking about is registered for charitable foundations. Have you seen their reports? Who do they help at all?

It's an interesting question in the sense that we don't know - they don't publish their accounts. They do not submit reports to the Ministry of Justice, as required by law. Our fund rents, but they don't. This is a direct violation of the law. They can be found on the website of the tax office, but it is difficult to draw correct conclusions from the information from there. For example, they put up a cadastral valuation for real estate, and the estate on Rublyovka, with a market value of two billion rubles, is valued much lower.

- How do you like the firstreactionfor an investigation?

I read the reaction of [Prime Minister's press secretary Natalia] Timakova... You know, I've been sure all my life that she is a rather reserved person, from whom you can't hear words like "I won't comment on the words of this criminal opposition politician." To what state it was necessary to bring her so that she uttered such words. But our investigation did it - very nicely. I hope there will be more comments on the matter, including from law enforcement agencies.

May I live like this, Dimon!

I strongly advise you to watch a film by the Anti-Corruption Foundation about Medvedev's dachas, vineyards, estates and yachts. And look at it not even in order to find out what specific estates, apartments and mountain ranges belong to Dmitry Anatolyevich, how they look and where they are. And look in order to experience this feeling. This feeling will not necessarily be indignation, disgust or disgust. Although what you will see is criminal and shameful for the country. No! I'm talking about something else.

Here you look at all this splendor, and then listen to yourself. And inside, if not everyone, then very many will hear this insidious voice: “Damn! Yes, that's how I live!". Do you, looking at the pools and the elevator for the car and the marble staircase in the apartment like a palace, not want to live the same way for at least a couple of days? And so that the mansion in St. Petersburg, and the villa of the 17th century in Italy, and the family estate in Kursk, and just the estate in Plyos! We are not holy ascetics or altruists. But for the most part, we work a lot for little money. And here, on the screen, such a life that we cannot even dream of. But someone lives such a life, and we know this person, and he is one of those who control us!

At the end, Navalny says words that are completely obvious, but no less correct: there, at the heights of power, all this is not a secret - because at the heights of power they all live this way or something like this, according to their positions and the degree of their impudence. And I will be surprised if there is at least someone among them who lives differently. And that's precisely why they are in power and strive. That is why power is the main asset in Russia. Not your talents, not your brains, not your resourcefulness or ingenuity - nothing matters here. Only position and powers matter.

In Russia, it makes no sense to become Elon Musk, because people who change the world are not needed here. Here we need people who will leave everything as before. Russia does not need people who make money thanks to incredible technologies or modern industries. Because it is troublesome and long, and the risk is great. It is much easier and much faster to make money as a prosecutor, judge, minister or even prime minister, as it turns out. More precisely, not to earn, but to receive.

In developed countries, money is important because it gives power. In Russia, on the contrary, the authorities give money. And the government can take away money. Ask Khodorkovsky, who was the richest man in the country and set out to change something in politics - what happened to him and did he like it? That is why the current oligarchs do not make the same mistakes and will donate billions to all sorts of fake funds and donate estates in order to remain oligarchs, and not sew mittens in the zone.

Navalny made a powerful film, but I doubt that this film will blow up society. And not only because a smaller part of the population finds out about it anyway. And also because millions of our fellow citizens themselves would like to live this way, and live this way, not thanks to their talents and enterprise, but to have power, and to have everything that this power can give in our country. And she can give anything - there would be fantasy and arrogance.

The Kremlin responded to the FBK investigation on Medvedev's real estate in a day

The Kremlin is "in detail" not familiar with the investigation of the Anti-Corruption Foundation about the real estate of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. The investigation was published the day before, March 2. The Cabinet said that it is pre-election in nature
Press Secretary of the Russian President Dmitry Peskov answered the question of whether the head of state Vladimir Putin is familiar with the investigation of the Anti-Corruption Foundation of Alexei Navalny about the "secret real estate" of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, RBC correspondent reports.

“The details are not known. The media reports have been seen. These are not the first examples of the work of this famous convicted citizen. There is nothing to add to what was said by the press secretary of the prime minister,” he said.

The day before, commenting on the investigation, the press secretary of the head of the Cabinet of Ministers, Natalia Timakova, said that the material was clearly pre-election in nature. “Navalny’s material has a pronounced pre-election character, as he himself says at the end of the video. It is pointless to comment on the propaganda attacks of the opposition and convicted character, who said that he is already conducting some kind of election campaign and is fighting the authorities,” she said.

The FBK investigation was published the day before, March 2. It says that Medvedev owns "huge tracts of land in the most elite areas, disposes of yachts, apartments in old mansions, agricultural complexes and wineries in Russia and abroad."

The authors of the investigation draw conclusions on the basis of data from Rosreestr, extracts from various registers of legal entities, as well as publications in the media and posts on social networks. At the same time, the FBK points out that the real owner of the assets “is almost impossible to trace, since, being recorded for charitable foundations, they do not belong to anyone.”

Such objects, according to FBK, are, in particular, real estate in the village of Znamenskoye not far from the Rublevo-Uspenskoye highway, a manor in the Kursk region, a winery in Italian Tuscany, and a number of others. Medvedev's property is managed by his friends, classmates and proxies, according to the investigation

The effect of an unexploded bomb: how the media did not notice Navalny's investigation about Medvedev

The FBK head Alexei Navalny called the investigation published by the Anti-Corruption Foundation about the “secret empire of Dmitry Medvedev” the most ambitious project of the foundation. The Russian media reacted differently to the investigation, many of the FBK publication was ignored. Not only the federal TV channels, but also the media, which previously paid more attention to Navalny's publications, decided not to write or talk about the investigation.

TV and Radio

The federal TV channels Pervy, Rossiya 1 and NTV have never mentioned Navalny's investigation on their air, follows from Medialogy's data, prepared at the request of Dozhd. From cable TV channels, RBC paid attention to the investigation (17 materials during the day). Of the news radio stations, the publication was discussed by Echo-Moskva and Business FM - 33 and 4 items, respectively. Kommersant FM and Vesti FM did not report on the investigation.

Newspapers

Of the newspapers published on Friday, only two publications wrote about Navalny's investigation: Vedomosti and Novaya Gazeta. The newspapers Kommersant, Izvestia, AiF, RBC, Moskovsky Komsomolets, Komsomolskaya Pravda and Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote nothing about the oppositionist's publication.

In Vedomosti, the FBK publication was devoted to the column “New Feedings” by Maria Zheleznova and Nikolai Epple in the opinion section, the material retelling the essence of the investigation “Premier Show” on the second page, as well as the column “Inverted Tradition” by Maxim Trudolyubov.

Novaya Gazeta published a commentary "Reception against the successor." In it, the investigation was called "weighty and uncompromising", seeing in the FBK publication the beginning of Navalny's election campaign. “Navalny’s investigation highlights an unobvious fact: Dmitry Anatolyevich is really the second person in the state<…>To be honest, I don’t know who else in our country is allowed to have such a resource - financial and political,” writes Alexei Polukhin, editor-in-chief of Novaya Gazeta.

Internet media

According to the Yandex-news service, the first news about the investigation appeared in the online media at 13.15. Mediazona, Republic, Ekho Moskvy, RBC, Tsargrad (as well as Meduza, which is not indexed in the service) were among the first to write about it. On the website of Kommersant (owned by businessman Alisher Usmanov, whom Navalny mentions in the investigation), at 15:48 there was news under the heading “The Anti-Corruption Fund has published another investigation.” Forbes published an article about "the fate of the site from the investigation of Alexei Navalny." Life posted only a commentary by Medvedev's press secretary, Natalia Timakova.

The websites of the three largest news agencies reacted to the investigation after Timakova's comment at 2:40 pm. At the same time, RIA Novosti did not retell the essence of the investigation in its report. “Earlier, Navalny posted a film with an “investigation” against Medvedev. Its authors stated that they had spent more than six months collecting the material,” RIA wrote.

Let's break the information blockade and spread this information:
Thank you.
Read or add your own

This week it was finally proved that Russian President Dmitry Medvedev is no less a hedonist than the Prime Minister. If Vladimir Putin has a private palace on the Black Sea worth $1 billion, then his formal boss flies on a presidential plane with "golden" shower, resting in the newest Ural residence and slowly building a modest sea dacha, destroying Utrish Reserve .

For the VIP bathing of the president and his wife, as Ruspres reported, dressed in watches Breguet, requires a personal vessel worthy of the Medvedev family. According to the Turkish press, his new €30 million Leo Fun superyacht was built by Istanbul's Proteksan-Turquoise shipyard. UDP spokesman Viktor Khrekov confirmed to Vedomosti that the president had a new yacht, but refused to name the price and the name of the manufacturer from which it was bought by the head of the presidential administration, Vladimir Kozhin. Khrekov clarified that this is a sea vessel for ensuring the activities of the head of state in the sea, which the manager of departments purchased at the end of last year on the secondary market in order to save budget funds. “If you buy a new one, it will be more expensive,” Khrekov explained. The yacht was purchased in accordance with the procedures of the law on state protection, since it was intended for a protected person.

According to Khrekov, no one has used it since it was built. And Medvedev too - this year the yacht was put into operation, but now the relevant equipment is being accepted. “The yacht provides everything that the president needs for work and leisure, negotiations and meetings, and the president can use it during the 2014 Olympics,” Khrekov said.

The characteristics of the vessel are given by the Vatan newspaper: the yacht can reach speeds of up to 18 knots (33.3 km / h), accommodates six VIP cabins and is serviced by a crew of 12 people. The yacht was completed in 2009 according to the project of Paolo Cagliari, the interior design was done by Jean Guy Verger, since then the yacht has been rented out to those wishing to make a “luxury Mediterranean cruise”, the rental price is 285,000 euros per week.

Leo Fun became the queen of the Mediterranean Yacht Brokers Association (MYBA) Charter Show. Built with a steel hull and aluminum superstructures, Leo Fun is sister ship to the first 54m research superyacht Vinydrea launched from the same Proteksan Turquoise yards. The vessel is propelled by two Caterpillar 3512B diesel engines with a capacity of 1,911 horsepower each. The range of the yacht at a cruising speed of 15 knots is 5,000 nautical miles, making it possible to make a transatlantic voyage.

The unique asymmetrical design of the yacht's main deck has made it possible to create a large and comfortable saloon that spans an astonishing 100 square meters. This extra space was achieved by building only one side of the deck, the port side. Thanks to this layout, the superyacht has approximately 30% more space than other yachts of the same length. In addition, it features large side windows that provide ample natural light to the interior and scenic views from the outside.

The stern on the main deck is also larger than usual and contains a spacious living area. Nearby is a huge SPA pool, equipped with a glass wall-waterfall, on the sides of which there are two large stairs leading to a wide swimming platform, from where guests can go down to the water to ride jet skis or enjoy diving.

The yacht is able to accommodate 12 guests on board in six cabins: the owner's suite on the main deck, a VIP cabin on the lower deck and four guest rooms (three doubles and one double) on the lower deck. All cabins are en-suite and have satellite TV, VCR, DVD, music and video on demand, Wi-Fi Internet, I-Pod station.

The owner's suite spans the full width of the main deck.

The owner's suite spans the full width of the main deck. This is perhaps the most impressive number on board. The owner's suite has floor-to-ceiling windows, evoking an open space feel and panoramic views. Even the bathroom in the owner's suite has a larger window that opens onto the front deck terrace. But the main source of natural light in the bathroom is the large glass roof over the bathtub.

The owner's apartment has floor-to-ceiling windows.

The crew of the vessel, consisting of ten people, is located in quite comfortable five cabins on the lower deck. The crew quarters are spacious and well equipped. This includes a separate crew mess, galley and entertainment center. A hidden door provides access from the crew quarters to the guest area for service purposes. The captain's cabin is located on the upper deck.

On the port side of the main deck next to the stairs is a service door leading to the main galley, which is fully equipped with stainless steel appliances and contains an oversized food warehouse, large refrigerators and freezers. Additional wall cabinets also provide plenty of storage and storage space. A set of three windows provide natural light to the galley, evoking an open airy feel.

The sun deck contains a jacuzzi for six people. The sun deck has sun loungers, covered lounge, large dining area for 14, BBQ, bar, fridge, built-in automatic ice maker, retractable awning and day latrine with shower.

Like the name of the yacht, which reflects its purpose, the vessel must please its guests. The sun deck contains a Jacuzzi for six surrounded by sun loungers, covered lounge, large dining area for 14, BBQ, bar, refrigerator, built-in automatic ice maker, retractable awning and day latrine with shower. On the upper deck is another spacious saloon, indoor/outdoor outdoor dining and seating areas forward.

According to Khrekov, the current yacht replaced the Kavkaz, built in 1982, which ended its 25-year resource in 2007. The service life has since been extended for two years, but now the Kavkaz is still subject to decommissioning. The president also has a river ship "Rossiya", which was recently repaired.

The disclosure of information about Medvedev's yacht coincided with his arrival in Davos, before which Chichvarkin case and there were many liberal statements by the president, notes political analyst Nikolai Petrov. When information about Medvedev's yacht appears, Putin's palace is recalled, with a message about which at the end of last year, businessman Sergei Kolesnikov addressed the president. There is no need for special discrediting of Medvedev now, Petrov believes, but everyone sees a series of mutual accusations from the presidential and prime minister's offices and forecasts about whose particular candidate will run for election.

The yachts of the first persons in Russia often became the subject of political discussion. In the mid 1990s. two small yachts became defendants in the Mabetex case - the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera accused President Boris Yeltsin of spending $500,000 from the state budget on ships. The presidential yacht "Pallada" also received close attention of the press, which was mentioned in his book "Daily Life of the Kremlin under Presidents" by adviser to the head of state Vladimir Shevchenko. According to Shevchenko, a snow-white two-deck vessel 31 m long was built at the Moscow Shipyard by order of the Presidential Administration, and President Vladimir Putin used it, and by order of the Leningrad Naval Base of the Navy, the Burevestnik military boat was made for him. The yachts also appeared in the scandalous publications of Wikileaks: from the published diplomatic dispatch of the US Embassy in Turkmenistan it followed that the Russian company Itera could have donated the yacht "Vozrozhdenie" to President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov for 60 million euros.

The cost of the yacht of Finnish President Tarja Halonen is 30 times lower: in 2008, Finnish shipyards completed the construction of the Kultaranta VIII yacht worth about 2 million euros. The President uses it at the Kultaranta summer resort. To receive heads of foreign states in Turkey in 2008, the construction of a new presidential 50-meter yacht, equipped with anti-missiles, began, but details were not disclosed. King Albert II of Belgium in 2009 purchased a new yacht of the Technema 90 project, built by Rizzardi. An investigation by Soir Magazine showed that its catalog value reaches 4.6 million euros. But the British monarch, after the decommissioning of the yacht Britannia in 1997, was left without a royal yacht.

Climbing out of the jacuzzi, Putin continues to work like a slave in a glamorous $50 million galley.

The Russian Forbes magazine published the decision of the London Court on the lawsuit of Sovcomflot against its former CEO Dmitry Skarga and businessman Yuri Nikitin. There are a lot of interesting things there (in particular, about Gennady Timchenko and his company Gunvor, through which, as it is supposed, our prime minister takes off the fat foam from the export of Russian oil). But I'll just focus on one point:

581. Mr Skarga also said that he knew nothing about the arrangements between Bonehill and Mr Nikitin. And he was not involved in the negotiations, the subject of which was the participation of Norstar in the Sovcomflot business. He met Mr. Bonehill only once, in the winter of 2002-2003, when he discussed in Geneva, at the Lipp Breaserrie cafe, a yacht that was presented to Mr. Putin and was operated by Unicom.

Managed by Unicom! But this is the same yacht that hangs out in Sochi and which Novaya Gazeta reported back in 2005! So, the general director of Sovcomflot (about whom, by the way, it is known that he once sold Soviet ships at fabulously low prices) under oath in a London court confirmed what the newspaper wrote about as an assumption - the yacht was donated! And, apparently, from those sides iks that Skarga received for the sale of the Soviet merchant fleet.

Here's what she looks like, by the way.

Yacht "Olympia" in the port of Sochi

And this same yacht plows the expanses of the Black Sea under the flag of the Cayman Islands. Why is the Cayman flag necessary? Sailors know it's tax evasion. Why the hell should Mr. Putin pay taxes to fucking Rashka? It's too costly.

Here is the master bedroom:

This is where the owner dine:

Here he is reclining in the jacuzzi:

And here he has an office combined with a rest room. You can sit at the desk, and play chess with a good person, and lie on the sofas watching an erotic video. Very comfortably.

The Dutch manufacturing company does not hide either the interiors of its creation (it is possible, by the way, that the Kremlin storekeepers somehow improved them during this time), or the value of the gift - about 50 million dollars.